For decades, conservatives have treated the Senate filibuster as a sacred protection against liberal overreach — a procedural shield that forces bipartisanship and slows the advance of progressive ambitions. But that logic no longer holds. The political and institutional realities of Washington today demand that conservatives reconsider this old orthodoxy. If Republicans wish to enact meaningful reform, the filibuster must go.
President Donald Trump recently renewed his call for eliminating the filibuster so that Congress can pass his agenda. Although we have long favored maintaining the filibuster to protect minority rights, we believe President Trump was right to have called for its abolition.
The traditional conservative argument against ending the filibuster is straightforward: when Democrats return to power, they could use a simple majority to enact sweeping left-wing legislation. That concern is real—but also unavoidable.
It’s inevitable that Democrats will, upon regaining control, make the Senate a majority-rule body when it suits them.
Democrats have already signaled their intention to abolish the filibuster. Only former Democratic Sen. Joe Manchin of West Virginia and former independent Sen. Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona prevented then-Majority Leader Chuck Schumer from doing so the last time Democrats held the majority. Neither will be in the Senate when Democrats regain control.
In other words, the filibuster’s days are numbered. The only real question is who benefits from its demise. Republicans can either cling to a relic and let Democrats strike first—or they can take the initiative, end the filibuster now, and use the time they have in power to pass the core elements of a conservative policy revolution.
Imagine what could be achieved under simple majority rule! Congress could dismantle ossified federal departments—starting with the Department of Education, which long ago abandoned its original purpose and now serves mainly as an enforcement arm for progressive orthodoxy. It could enact a new round of tax cuts to unleash economic growth and produce the “roaring economy” that President Trump has promised.
Republicans could also pass critical election integrity reforms such as the SAVE Act, ensuring that only U.S. citizens vote in federal elections. They could modernize the census to produce a more accurate count — one that excludes non-citizens from apportionment and redistricting calculations, thereby restoring fairness to congressional representation. And they could roll back layers of bureaucratic regulation that have smothered innovation and productivity for decades.
None of these goals can be achieved under current Senate rules. The 60-vote threshold to end debate means that almost any significant Republican initiative is dead on arrival. In practice, the filibuster gives Democrats veto power over conservative governance even when they are in the minority. That is not constitutional design; it is self-inflicted paralysis.
Conservatives must recognize that procedure is not principle. The Founding Fathers never envisioned a supermajority requirement for ordinary legislation; the Senate filibuster is a 19th-century invention, not a constitutional safeguard. Preserving it out of habit or fear of future Democratic power is strategic folly. When Democrats inevitably change the rules, they will do so to impose their own radical agenda — from court-packing to sweeping climate mandates to passing spending packages that fill their political allies’ pockets at home and abroad. The prudent move is to act first.
Ending the filibuster would not betray conservative ideals. Just the opposite. It would finally allow those ideals to flourish.
Republicans were elected to deliver results, not to be handcuffed by a rule the opposition will soon discard. If Republicans truly believe their policies will make America freer, stronger, and more prosperous, then they must seize the means to enact them. The filibuster’s time has passed. Conservatives should end it before Democrats do.
James Carter is a former Deputy Undersecretary of Labor (2006-07). He later headed President-elect Donald Trump’s tax team during the 2016-17 transition and served as director of the America First Policy Institute’s Center for American Prosperity (2021-23). Jim Ellis is the founder of the Ellis Insight election analysis service.
The views and opinions expressed in this commentary are those of the author and do not reflect the official position of the Daily Caller News Foundation.
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