The first year of President Donald Trump’s second term has been nothing short of historic. The President has flexed the might of the United States to forge peace deals around the globe, arrest a wanted narco-terrorist dictator, advance America First tariffs reducing the trade deficit to the lowest levels in nearly two decades, and save America billions of dollars every year by reducing burdensome regulations. Despite these remarkable achievements, the complete and total turnaround on border enforcement is by far the most important accomplishment of year-one in Trump 47.
The Biden Administration allowed – or in some cases facilitated – the invasion of 6.7 million illegal aliens into the United States. In just a year, under President Trump’s leadership more than 2.5 million illegal aliens have already been shown the door. Nearly 595,000 of the worst of the worst have been arrested and deported by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP). Moreover, key metrics like daily border encounters and apprehensions are at historic lows. Former President Joe Biden’s claims that Congress needed to pass immigration reform for him to stop the crossings has been proven demonstrably false. Turns out all that was needed was a president willing to vigorously enforce existing law.
Perhaps the most complicated aspect of these removal operations is coordinating aircraft for millions of illegal aliens to their home countries or third-party countries. Typically, ICE removals are operated by Adiós Air – a network of eight to 14 government charters. But with $30 billion for deportation efforts in the One Big Beautiful Bill, is ICE considering more exotic alternatives? One reported option includes ICE purchasing its own fleet of aircraft.
While this novel concept may seem good on paper there are several cost and legal issues that may present complications. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) claims this move will save taxpayers $279 million by allowing ICE to operate more efficient routes. There are massive costs with owning planes, just ask Richard Branson who once quipped “[i]f you want to be a millionaire, start with a billion dollars and launch a new airline.” Beyond the costs, perhaps the bigger red flag is a legal one.
U.S. government-owned aircraft, classified as state aircraft under the Chicago Convention, requires advance diplomatic clearance for overflight and landing in foreign countries. In many cases, the flights need at least a week for approval, which can increase denial risk due to political or diplomatic issues—especially for deportations to third-party countries where the receiving nation may be reluctant to accept deportees without ties to their country. Private contractors operate civil aircraft, which do not face these same stringent diplomatic clearance requirements and can proceed with standard operational approvals on shorter timeframes giving ICE more flexibility.
Beyond the operational and financial pitfalls, acquiring a government-owned fleet raises serious long-term policy risks. If DHS purchases planes for deportation purposes, a future Democrat administration could repurpose these assets to facilitate the influx of inadmissible aliens under expansive humanitarian parole programs, similar to the Biden-era initiative for Cubans, Haitians, Nicaraguans, and Venezuelans (CHNV). CHNV admitted over 500,000 individuals on two-year paroles – without congressional approval – which required beneficiaries to arrange their own commercial flights after vetting and sponsorship. With a dedicated fleet of state aircraft at their disposal, however, a reversal in executive policy could enable mass government-sponsored transport of parolees directly from origin countries, bypassing commercial constraints and accelerating entries under the guise of “humanitarian” or “public benefit” rationales. This dual-use potential underscores how ownership could inadvertently arm political opponents with tools to undermine border security gains.
Rather than committing to the high costs, legal complexities, and reversible risks of purchasing its own fleet, ICE should prioritize scaling up contracts with private charter operators under the Adiós Air network. This approach maintains operational flexibility, avoids sovereignty entanglements abroad, and ensures resources remain focused on one-way removals without handing future administrations a ready-made mechanism for mass importation. By leveraging proven private partnerships, the Trump administration can sustain the momentum of historic deportation levels while safeguarding against policy backsliding.
Surya G Gunasekara is the Founder of Section VII Capital. He served as the Executive Director of Policy at U.S. Customs and Border Protection in the first term of the Trump Administration.
The views and opinions expressed in this commentary are those of the author and do not reflect the official position of the Daily Caller News Foundation.
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