GroenLinks

History

Before 1989: predecessors

GroenLinks was founded in 1989 as a merger of four parties that were to the left of the Labour Party (PvdA), a social democratic party which has traditionally been the largest centre-left party in the Netherlands. The founding parties were the (formerly-communist) Communist Party of the Netherlands (CPN), the Pacifist Socialist Party (PSP), which originated in the peace movement, the green-influenced Political Party of Radicals (PPR), originally a progressive Christian party, and the progressive Christian Evangelical People's Party. These four parties were frequently classified as "small left"; to indicate their marginal existence. In the 1972 general election, these parties won sixteen seats (out of 150); in the 1977 general election, they only won six. From that moment on, members and voters began to argue for close cooperation.

From the 1980s onwards, the four parties started to cooperate in municipal and provincial elections. As fewer seats are available in these representations, a higher percentage of votes is required to gain a seat. In the 1984 European election, the PPR, CPN and PSP formed the Green Progressive Accord that entered as one into the European elections. They gained one seat, which rotated between the PSP and PPR. Party-members of the four parties also encountered each other in grassroots extraparliamentary protest against nuclear energy and nuclear weapons. More than 80% of the members of the PSP, CPN and PPR attended at least one of the two mass protests against the placement of nuclear weapons, which took place in 1981 and 1983.

The Evangelical People's Party was a relatively new party, founded in 1981, as a splinter group from the Christian Democratic Appeal, the largest party of the Dutch centre-right. During its period in parliament, 1982–1986, it had trouble positioning itself between the small left parties (PSP, PPR and CPN), the PvdA and the CDA.

The increasingly close cooperation between PPR, PSP, CPN and EVP, and the ideological change that accompanied it was not without internal dissent within the parties. The ideological change that CPN made from official communism to 'reformism' led to a split in the CPN; and the subsequent founding of the League of Communists in the Netherlands in 1982. In 1983, a group of "deep" Greens split from the PPR to found The Greens. The CPN and the PPR wanted to form an electoral alliance with the PSP for the 1986 elections. This led to a crisis within the PSP, in which chair of the parliamentary party (Fractievoorzitter) Fred van der Spek, who opposed cooperation, was replaced by Andrée van Es, who favoured cooperation. Van der Spek left the PSP to found his own Party for Socialism and Disarmament. The 1986 PSP congress, however, rejected the electoral alliance.

1989–1994: completion of the merge and first term in parliament

In the 1989 elections, the PPR, PSP, CPN and EVP entered in the elections with one single list called Groen Links. In the Netherlands, parties usually participate in the elections with one list for the whole country. The candidates on top of the list get the priority for the distribution of seats won. The GroenLinks list of candidates was organised in such a way that all the parties were represented and new figures could enter. The PPR, which had been the largest party in 1986 got the top candidate (the lead candidate, Ria Beckers) and the number five; the PSP got the numbers two and six, the CPN the number three and the EVP number eleven. The first independent candidate was Paul Rosenmöller, trade unionist from Rotterdam, on the fourth place. In the elections, the party doubled its seats in comparison to 1986 (from three to six), but the expectations had been much higher. In the 1990 municipal elections, the party fared much better, strengthening the resolve to cooperate.

In the period 1989–1991, the merger developed further. A board was organised for the party-in-foundation and also a 'GroenLinks Council', which was supposed to control the board and the parliamentary party and stimulate the process of merger. In this council, all five groups – CPN, PPR, PSP, EVP and the Vereniging Groen Links – had seats on ratio of the number of their members. Originally, the three youth organisations, the CPN-linked General Dutch Youth League, the PSP-linked Pacifist Socialist Young Working Groups and the PPR-linked Political Party of Radical Youth refused to merge, but under pressure of the government (who controlled their subsidies) they did merge to form DWARS. In 1990, some opposition formed against the moderate, green course of GroenLinks. Several former PSP members united in the "Left Forum" in 1992 – they would leave the party to join former PSP-leader Van der Spek to found the PSP'92. Similarly, former members of the CPN joined the League of Communists in the Netherlands to found the New Communist Party in the same year. In 1991, the congresses of the four founding parties (PSP, PPR, CPN and EVP) decided to officially abolish their parties.

GroenLinks had considerable problems formulating its own ideology. In 1990, the attempt to write the first manifesto of principles failed because of the difference between socialists and communists on the one side and the more liberal former PPR members on the other side. The second manifesto of principles – which was not allowed to be called that – was adopted after a lengthy debate and many amendments in 1991.

1994–2002: opposition during the purple cabinets

Before the general election of 1994, GroenLinks organised an internal election on the party's political leadership. Two duos entered: Ina Brouwer (former CPN) combined with Mohammed Rabbae (independent), while Paul Rosenmöller (independent) formed a combination with Leoni Sipkes (former PSP); there were also five individual candidates, including Wim de Boer (former chair of the PPR and member of the Senate), Herman Meijer (former CPN, future chair of the party) and Ineke van Gent (former PSP and future MP).

Some candidates ran in duos because they wanted to combine family life with politics. Brouwer, Rosenmöller and Sipkes already were MPs for GroenLinks, whilst Rabbae was new – he had been chair of the Dutch Centre for Foreigners. In the first round, the duos ended up ahead of the others, but neither had an absolute majority. A second round was needed, in which Brouwer and Rabbae won with 51%. Brouwer became the first candidate and Rabbae second, the second duo Rosenmöller and Sipkes occupied the following place followed by Marijke Vos, former chair of the party. The idea of a dual lead candidacy did not communicate well to the voters. GroenLinks lost one seat, leaving only five. Yet in the same election, the centre-left Labour Party also lost a lot of seats.

After the disappointing elections, Brouwer left parliament. She was replaced as party leader by Paul Rosenmöller and her seat was taken by Tara Singh Varma. The charismatic Rosenmöller became the "unofficial leader" of the opposition against the first Kok cabinet because the largest opposition party, the Christian Democratic Appeal, was unable to adapt well to its new role as opposition party. Rosenmöller set out a new strategy: GroenLinks should offer alternatives instead of only rejecting the proposals made by the government.

In the 1998 general election, GroenLinks more than doubled its seats to eleven. The charisma of "unofficial leader" Rosenmöller played an important role in this. Many new faces entered parliament, including Femke Halsema, a political talent who had left the Labour Party for GroenLinks in 1997. The party began to speculate openly about joining government after the elections of 2002.

The 1999 Kosovo War divided the party internally. The parliamentary party in the House of Representatives supported the NATO intervention, while the Senate parliamentary party was against the intervention. Several former PSP members within the House of Representatives parliamentary party began to openly speak out their doubts about the intervention. A compromise was found: GroenLinks would support the intervention as long as it limited itself to military targets. Prominent members of the founding parties including Marcus Bakker and Joop Vogt left the party over this issue.

2002–2021

The 2002 general election was characterised by changes in the political climate. The right-wing populist political commentator Pim Fortuyn entered into politics. He had an anti-establishment message, combined with a call for restrictions on immigration. Although his critique was oriented at the second Kok cabinet, Rosenmöller was one of the few politicians who could muster some resistance against his message. Days before the election, Fortuyn was assassinated. Ab Harrewijn, GroenLinks MP and candidate also died. Before and after the elections serious threats were made against Rosenmöller, his wife and his children. These events caused considerable stress for Rosenmöller. GroenLinks lost one seat in the election, although it had gained more votes than in the 1998 elections. Before the 2003 general election Rosenmöller left parliament, citing the ongoing threats against his life and those of his family as the main reason. He was replaced as chair of the parliamentary party and top candidate by Femke Halsema. She was unable to keep ten seats and lost two.

In 2003, GroenLinks almost unanimously turned against the Iraq War. It took part in the protests against the war, for instance by organising its party congress in Amsterdam at the day of the large demonstration, with an interval allowing its members to join the protest.

At the end of 2003, Halsema temporarily left parliament to give birth to her twins. During her absence Marijke Vos took her place as chair of the parliamentary party. When she returned to parliament, Halsema started a discussion about the principles of her party. She emphasised individual freedom, tolerance, self-realisation and emancipation. In one interview she called her party "the last liberal party of the Netherlands". This led to considerable attention of media and other observers, which speculated about an ideological change. In 2005 the party's scientific bureau published the book "Vrijheid als Ideaal" ("Freedom as Ideal") in which prominent opinion-makers explored the new political space and the position of the left within that space. During the congress of February 2007 the party board was ordered to organise a party-wide discussion about the party's principles.

During the European Elections congress of 2004, the candidacy committee proposed that the chair of the GroenLinks delegation, Joost Lagendijk, should become the party's lead candidate in those elections. A group of members, led by Senator Leo Platvoet submitted a motion "We want to choose". They wanted a serious choice for such an important office. The party's board announced a new electoral procedure. During the congress Kathalijne Buitenweg, an MEP and candidate, announced wish to be considered for the position of top candidate. She narrowly won the elections from Lagendijk. This came as a great surprise to all. Especially for Buitenweg who had not written an acceptance speech and read out Lagendijk's.

2021–2026: Collaboration with PvdA and merger

GroenLinks lost the 2021 general election, and combined with the Labour Party during the subsequent government formation. There have been discussions about a merger with that party; they participated in the 2023 Dutch Senate election as a unified party list. GroenLinks and the Labour Party announced in 2023 that they would also participate as a unified party list, GroenLinks–PvdA, in the general election of 2023, as members of both parties voted in favour of an alliance. With PvdA's Frans Timmermans as lead candidate, GroenLinks–PvdA eventually won 25 seats in the elections, gaining eight seats and becoming the largest opposition party to the Schoof cabinet. On 12 June 2025, members of GroenLinks voted in favour of another joint list for the general election of 2025, as well as a merger with the Labour Party into a new party, Progressive Netherlands, in 2026. GroenLinks and PvdA formally merged on 1 July 2026.

Ideology and issues

Ideology

The party combined green and left-wing ideals. The core ideals of GroenLinks were codified in the party's programme of principles (called Partij voor de Toekomst, "Party for the Future"). The party placed itself in the freedom-loving tradition of the left. Its principles included:

The protection of the Earth, ecosystems and a respectful treatment of animals.

A fair distribution of natural resources between all citizens of the world and all generations.

A just distribution of income and fair chance for everyone to work, care, education and recreation.

A pluralist society where everyone can participate in freedom. The party combines openness with a sense of community.

Strengthening the international rule of law, in order to ensure peace and respect for human rights.

The party's principles reflected the ideological convergence between the four founding parties which came from different ideological traditions: the Political Party of Radicals and the Evangelical People's Party, from a progressive Christian tradition; and the Pacifist Socialist Party and the Communist Party of the Netherlands from the socialist and communist traditions. Over the course of the 1970s and 1980s, the parties had come to embrace environmentalism and feminism; they all favoured democratisation of society and had opposed the creation of new nuclear plants and the placement of new nuclear weapons in the Netherlands.

Halsema, the former political leader of the party, started a debate about the ideological course of GroenLinks. She emphasised the freedom-loving tradition of the left and chose freedom as a key value. Her course is called left-liberal by herself and observers, although Halsema herself claims that she does not want to force an ideological change.

Following Isaiah Berlin, Halsema distinguishes between positive and negative freedom. According to Halsema, negative freedom is the freedom of citizens from government influence; she applies this concept especially to the multicultural society and the rechtsstaat, where the government should protect the rights of citizens and not limit them. Positive freedom is the emancipation of citizens from poverty and discrimination. Halsema wants to apply this concept to welfare state and the environment where government should take more action. According to Halsema, GroenLinks was an undogmatic party.

Proposals

The election manifesto for the 2010 elections was adopted in April of that year. It was titled Klaar voor de Toekomst ("Prepared for the Future"). The manifesto emphasises international cooperation, welfare state reform, environmental policy and social tolerance.

GroenLinks considered itself a "social reform party", which aims to reform the government finances and increase the position of "outsiders" on the labour market, such as migrant youth, single parents, workers with short term-contracts and people with disabilities. It disagrees with the parties on the right which, in the eyes of GroenLinks, were only oriented towards cutting costs and did not offer the worst-off a chance for work, emancipation and participation. But, unlike the other opposition parties of the left, the party did not want to defend the current welfare state – which the party calls "powerless", because it merely offers the worst-off a benefit rather than prospects for work. The party wanted to reform the Dutch welfare state so it will benefit "outsiders" – those who have been excluded from the welfare state until now.

To increase employment, the GroenLinks proposed a participation contract, where unemployment recipients signed an agreement with their local council to become involved in volunteer work, schooling, or work experience projects – for which they get paid minimum wage. The unemployment benefit should be increased and limited to one year. In this period, people would have to look for a job or education. If at the end of the year one should not succeed in finding a job, the government will offer one a job for the minimum wage. In order to create more employment, they want to implement the green tax shift which will lower taxes on lower paid labour. This would be compensated by higher taxes on pollution. In order to increase prospects for the underprivileged, it wanted to invest in education, especially the vmbo (middle-level vocational education). In order to ensure that migrants have a better chance for jobs, it wanted to deal firmly with discrimination, especially on the labour market. The party wanted to decrease income differences by making child benefits. The party favoured reform of government pensions: after 45 years of employment, one should get the right to a pension. If one starts working young, one is able to stop working earlier than if one starts working when one is older. Receiving unemployment or disability benefits is counted as work, as is caring for children or family members. The system of mortgage interest deductions should be abolished over a forty-year period.

Election results

Representation

Electorate

According to a survey done in 2006 more women vote for GroenLinks than men by a margin of 20%. The party also disproportionately appeals to gay voters. The party also polls well among migrant voters, especially those from Turkey and Morocco, where its support is twice as high as in the general population.

GroenLinks voters have an eccentric position in their preferences for particular policies. Between 1989 and 2003 they were the most leftwing voters in the Netherlands, often a little more to the left than voters of the SP. These voters are in favor of the redistribution of wealth, free choice for euthanasia, opening the borders for asylum seekers, the multicultural society and are firmly against building new nuclear plants.

GroenLinks has the second-largest proportion of vegan/vegetarian voters of any political party in the Netherlands, with 8.4% or 16.9% of GroenLinks voters in saying in 2 surveys in 2021 that they did not eat meat. The party with the highest proportion of vegan/vegetarian voters in both surveys was the Party for the Animals, for which the share laid at 17.3% or 27.9%.

Style and campaign

The logo of GroenLinks is the name of the party with the word "Green" written in red and the word "Left" written in green since 1994. Additional colours used in the logo are white, yellow and blue. An earlier logo, used between 1989 and 1994, and which can be seen on the poster above showed a variation of a peace sign projected on a green triangle on which "PPR PSP CPN EVP" was written and next to it GroenLinks in green and pink.

From 2007 onwards, GroenLinks has adopted the idea of a "permanent campaign", which implies that campaign activities are held even when there is no immediate connection to an election. Permanent campaign activities are intended to create and maintain a base level of sympathy and knowledge about the party platform.

Organisation

Name and logo

The name "GroenLinks" (until 1992 "Groen Links" with a space between Groen and Links) is a compromise between the PPR and the CPN and the PSP. The PPR wanted the word "Green" in the name of the party, the PSP and the CPN the word "Left". It also emphasises the core ideals of the party, environmental sustainability and social justice.

In 1984, the common list of the PPR, PSP and CPN for the 1984 European elections was called Green Progressive Accord – at that time the PPR did not want to accept the word "left" in the name of the political combination. The parties had entered in the 1989 European elections as the Rainbow (Regenboog), in reference to the Rainbow Group in the European Parliament between 1984 and 1989.

Organisational structure

The highest organ of GroenLinks is the party congress, which is open to all members. The congress elects the party-board, it decides on the order of the candidates for national and European elections and it has a final say over the party platform. The congress convenes at least once every year in spring or when needed.

The party board consists of fifteen members who are elected for a two-year term. The chairperson of this board is the only paid position on the board, the others are unpaid. The chairperson together with four other board members (the vice-chair, the treasurer, the secretary, the European secretary and the international secretary) handles the daily affairs and meet every two weeks while the other ten board members meet only once a month.

For the months that the congress does not convene, a party council takes over its role. It consists out of 80 representatives of all the 250 municipal branches. The party board and the nationally elected representatives of the party are responsible to the party council. It has the right to fill vacancies in the board, make changes to the party constitution and takes care of the party's finances. Politicians are required to donate 10% of their gross income to the party, making GroenLinks one of the top recipients of donations among Dutch political parties.

There are several independent organisations which are linked to GroenLinks:

DWARS, the independent youth organisation of GroenLinks

De Linker Wang ("The Left Cheek"), platform for Religion and Politics, which is a progressive Christian platform, which was formed by former members of the Evangelical People's Party.

Scientific Bureau GroenLinks, the independent political think tank which publishes "De Helling" (Dutch for "the Slope").

PinkLeft, an LGBT organisation for GroenLinks members.

GroenLinks is also active on the European and the global stage. It is a founding member of the European Green Party and the Global Greens. Its MEPs sit in The Greens–European Free Alliance group. GroenLinks cooperates with seven other Dutch parties in the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy, an institute which supports democratic development in developing countries.

Relationships with other parties

GroenLinks was founded as a mid-sized party to the left of the Labour Party (PvdA). In the 1994 elections, the Socialist Party (SP) also entered parliament. GroenLinks now takes a central position in the Dutch left between the socialist SP, which is more to the left, and the social-democratic PvdA, which is more to the centre. This position is exemplified by the call of Femke Halsema to form a left-wing coalition after the 2006 elections, knowing that such a coalition is only possible with GroenLinks. The electoral alliance between SP and GL in the 1998, 2002 and 2006 elections, and between GroenLinks and PvdA in the 2004 European elections are examples of this position. In the 2007 First Chamber election, it had an electoral alliance with the Party for the Animals. More and more, however, GroenLinks is seen as the most culturally progressive of the three parties. Since 2023 GroenLinks has significantly intensified cooperation with PvdA, generally entering elections with a shared electoral list, including in European Parliament elections after which elected politicians joined separate groups. Both parties are internally discussing a possible complete merger.

GroenLinks does not run an independent list for the water board elections. Instead, like D66 and Volt Netherlands, it recommends that its voters support Water Natuurlijk, an independent, green-oriented political party focused solely on water board elections.