Habib Bourguiba

1903–1930: Early life

Childhood years

Bourguiba was born in Monastir, the youngest of eight children and the last son of Ali Bourguiba and Fatouma Khefacha. His official birthdate is recorded as August 3, 1903, though he believed he was likely born a year earlier, in 1902, or possibly in 1901. His mother, aged 40 at the time, felt great shame about having a child so late, while his father, then 53, questioned his ability to raise him properly. Despite financial struggles, Ali Bourguiba placed great value on his children’s education.. He was enrolled in the army by general Ahmed Zarrouk, and spent nineteen years of his life campaigning before retiring. Eager to avoid such a fate for his last child, he decided to ensure Habib obtained his Certificat d'études primaires, which would dispense him from military service, just like his elder sons. Around the time Bourguiba was born, his father became councilman, and was, therefore, part of the notables of the city. This allowed him to improve both his financial and social situation and permitted him to provide a modern education future for his last son, just like his brother.

Habib Bourguiba grew up among women, as his brother was in Tunis and his father was elderly. He spent his days with his mother, grandmother and sister, Aïcha and Nejia, which permitted him to notice the casual household chores of women and their inequality with men. After starting his elementary education in Monastir, his father sent him to Tunis in September 1907, when he was 5, to pursue his studies at the Sadiki primary school. The young boy was profoundly affected by the separation from his mother at that early age. At the time of his arrival, the city was struggling against the protectorate, an early phase of the Tunisian national movement led by Ali Bach Hamba. Meanwhile, Habib settled in the wealthy neighbourhood of Tourbet el Bey in the medina of Tunis, where his brother, M'hamed, rented a lodging on Korchani Street. As the school year began, his brother enrolled him in Sadiki College where the superintendent described him as "turbulent but studious".

The young Habib spent his vacations in Monastir, aiding others with chores. At the end of the holiday season, he returned to Tunis where, after classes, he used to wander around in the streets. On Thursdays, he watched the bey chair the weekly seals ceremony. The Jellaz demonstrations of 1911 and the resulting execution of Manoubi Djarjar that followed influenced his nascent political opinions. Bourguiba earned his certificat d'études primaires in 1913, which greatly satisfied his father. Bourguiba avoided military service, and, like his elders, was admitted as an internal in Sadiki College to pursue his secondary studies freely. His mother died in November 1913, when he was 10 years old.

Teenage years and secondary studies

When World War I started in September 1914, Bourguiba moved out from his brother's house and settled in the dormitories of Sadiki College. Budgetary restrictions, enacted in order to support the war effort, contributed to malnutrition and inadequate supplies. These circumstances led students to protest, and Bourguiba soon came to participate. He admired Habib Jaouahdou, a student who told others about national struggles beyond the walls of high school. Jaouahdou proposed that they welcome Abdelaziz Thâalbi when he returned from exile, Bourguiba being part of the welcoming Sadiki delegation. In addition, the funerals of nationalist leader Bechir Sfar in Jellaz had also impacted him, as he travelled with his father. At school, one of his professors taught him the art of French writing and, indirectly, Arab literature. Despite that, his grades were low; Bourguiba did not pass his Arabic patent in 1917, which would have allowed him to get an administrative function. The headmaster permitted him to restart his sixth and final year of high school, in 1919–20. But the winter season and aforementioned malnutrition severely worsened his health, and he was hospitalized following his primary infection. Accordingly, he was obliged to abandon his studies and remain at the hospital.

In order to heal, Bourguiba spent nearly two years living with older brother Mohamed, medic at the local hospital of Kef who also happened to be a strong modernist and advocating secularism. Mohamed lived with an Italian nurse who welcomed young Habib properly and had an important part in his improvement, by "filling in his emotional void", according to Souhayr Belhassen and Sophie Bessis. His journey in there, which lasted 21 months from January 1920, was a major turning point in his life. The inhabitants of the city helped him integrate: He learned how to play cards, discussed military strategies, got interested in Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and also visited his other brother, Ahmed, in Thala where he learned horse riding. He also participated in theatrical activities. Bourguiba rehearsed with his brother, who had a passion for theater and performed on stage. The foundation of the Destour party while he was in Kef, increased Bourguiba's interest in Tunisian nationalism. He expressed his will to pursue his secondary studies and thus, study law in France, so he could struggle against the colonial power. The family council that was held to discuss this matter was a complete failure, his brothers considering him as "unsuccessful" and were not ready to finance his studies. Only his thirty years old single brother, Mahmoud, promised to aid him. With his support, Bourguiba was enrolled in Lycée Carnot of Tunis, in classe de seconde, because he was too weak to study in classe de première.

Higher education in Paris

When he arrived in Paris, Bourguiba settled in Saint-Séverin hotel, near Place Saint-Michel, where he occupied a room located on the sixth floor for 150 francs per month. Having had some hard times, his problems were resolved as he obtained a scholarship of 1800 francs, payable in two installments, and enrolled in Paris law School, in the Sorbonne to attend psychology and literature classes. Aware that he came to France to "arm himself intellectually against France", he devoted himself to law and to the discovery of French civilization. Bourguiba often participated in political debates, read newspapers and followed closely the evolution of French politics during the Third Republic. Sensitive to the ideas of Leon Blum, following the Congress of Tours, he was opposed to the Bolsheviks and got interested in Mahatma Gandhi's process to transform the Indian national Congress into a powerful mass organization. In addition, he showed a great interest in his fellow Tunisian, Mahmoud El Materi.

After vacations spent between Mahdia and Monastir, Bourguiba returned to Paris for the start of the 1925–26 school year, worried about the nationalist struggle in his country. His conditions improved as he moved in the University Campus in Jourdan boulevard, where he lodged in room number 114. The sponsor, Taïeb Radhouane, sent him through the association Les Amis de l'étudiant, the registration fees to register for Paris Institute of Political Studies, where he started to attend public finance classes. He also obtained a financial aid from his friend and protector, Mounier-Pillet, who was his former teacher in Monastir. The same year, his friends Sfar and Guiga, joined him while he was tutoring a young Sfaxian boy, Mohamed Aloulou, sent by his parents to sit for the baccalaureate exam in Lycée Louis-le-Grand. One day in 1925, while tidying his room, Bourguiba found the address of a woman his protector suggested he meet: Mathilde Lefras, a 35-year-old widow whose husband died during the war. He met her for the first time in her apartment, on the first floor of a building in the 20th arrondissement of Paris. She invited him to enter and asked him to tell his story. Touched by his background, she asked to see him once again, and, in the upcoming months, invited him to move in with her. After that, he gave away his room on the campus and settled in with Mathilde. With this new way of life, Bourguiba distanced himself from the other students but also the Tunisian struggle, as a strong wave of repression started back at the country.

During the summer of 1926, Bourguiba returned to Monastir but did not show any interest in political issues in his country. His father died in September and he received a telegram from Mathilde, announcing that she was pregnant. This situation and the parenting responsibility that lay ahead worried him. Thus, he decided to raise the child, despite his friend's advice to abandon the baby and break up with Mathilde. This pregnancy reassured him as he thought he was sterile. But the relationship of the couple worsened to a point that Bourguiba left the house to sleep at his friends' place, back on the campus. On 9 April 1927, Mathilde gave birth to a boy, whom they named Jean Habib. They moved into another apartment in Bagneux, in the Parisian suburbs. Bourguiba, sick at the time, had to prepare for his final exams, which he sat for a month after the birth of his son. He obtained respectively a bachelor's degree in law and the higher degree of political studies from the Paris Institute of Political Studies.

Early adult life and professional career

In August 1927, Bourguiba returned to Tunisia with his girlfriend, son, Habib Jr., and also a deep knowledge of French politics during the Third Republic. His journey in France had influenced his thinking with the liberal values of the social-radical secular country, shared earlier by his brother Mohamed. Following his return to Tunisia, he married Mathilde, with Mahmoud Laribi as his best man, and settled in Tunis. At the time, he was not interested in politics but in his professional career, every debuting lawyer having to do a three-year traineeship under the supervision of another experienced lawyer. From October 1927 to October 1928, he worked for Mr. Cirier, who dismissed him after six weeks, then for Mr. Pietra and Scemama, who did not pay him for two months and charged him with writing responsibilities. Bourguiba then resigned to work for Mr. Salah Farhat, chairman of the Destour party, until Mr. Sebault hired him for 600 francs per month, which led Bourguiba to work for him for an additional year to the three mandatory ones.

In the context of colonial oppression, Bourguiba felt the effects of inequality. He spent the next year unemployed. This inequality led him to discuss these matters with both Tunisian and French friends, who agreed with the necessity to start a reform process aiming to get Tunisia to resemble France, that was, liberal, modern and secular. On 8 January 1929, while replacing his brother who could not attend a conference held by Habiba Menchari, an unveiled woman who advocated gender equality, Bourguiba defended Tunisian identity, culture and religion by opposing Menchari's position to rid women of their veils. Bourguiba responded saying that Tunisia was threatened by the forfeiture of its personality and that it had to be preserved until the country was emancipated. This statement surprised liberals like the French unionist Joachim Durel. The controversy that followed opposed him to Bourguiba for nearly a month, Bourguiba writing in L'Étendard tunisien while Durel responded in Tunis socialiste.

The year 1930 was the peak of French colonization in North Africa, which led France to celebrate the centenary of the French conquest of Algeria, by organizing a eucharistic congress in Tunisia. On this occasion, millions of Europeans invaded the capital city and went to the Saint-Lucien de Carthage Cathedral disguised as crusaders which humiliated and revolted the people who protested against what they considered a violation of an Islamic land by Christians. The protesters, strongly repressed, were brought to justice. Some of them had Bourguiba as their lawyer, since he had not participated in the event. He also remained neutral when Tahar Haddad was dismissed from his notary duties. He estimated at that moment, that the main goals were political, while other problems of society were secondary. He insisted that Tunisian identity had to be affirmed, declaring: "Let us be what we are before becoming what we will".

1930–1934: Early political career

In the beginning of the 1930s, Habib Bourguiba, feeling the effects of colonial inequalities, decided to join the main political party of the Tunisian national movement, the Destour, alongside his brother M'hamed and his mates Bahri Guiga, Tahar Sfar and Mahmoud El Materi. Revolted by the festivities of the 30th eucharistic congress, held from 7 to 11 May 1930 in Carthage, and which he considered as a "violation of islamic lands", the young nationalists found it necessary to get involved. With the upcoming preparations for the 50th anniversary celebration of the protectorate and the scheduled visit of French president Paul Doumer, the young nationalists decided to act. Bourguiba denounced the rejoicing, in the newspaper Le Croissant, ran by his cousin Abdelaziz El Aroui, as a "humiliating affront to the dignity of the Tunisian people to whom he recalls the loss of freedom and independence". Therefore, the leaders of the Destour party gathered in emergency at Orient Hotel, in February 1931, where it was decided to found an endorsing committee to the newspaper of Chedly Khairallah, La Voix du Tunisien, which switched from weekly to daily and had among its editors the young nationalist team.

Bourguiba multiplied his denunciations of the attempts aiming the Tunisian personality but also the beylical decree system and Europeans' advantages in his numerous articles in L'Étendard tunisien and La Voix du Tunisien, claiming Tunisian access to all administrative positions. Soon, he described his own definition of the protectorate, challenging its existence, not just its effects like the elder nationalists did, by writing on 23 February 1931 that "for a healthy strong nation that international competitions and a momentary crisis forced into accepting the tutelage of a stronger state, the contact of a more advanced civilization determines in it a salutary reaction. A true regeneration occurs in it and, through judicious assimilation of the principles and methods of this civilization, it inevitably come to realize in stages its final emancipation".

Thanks to the originality with which Bourguiba, Sfar, Guiga and El Materi addressed the problems, La Voix du Tunisien became a very popular newspaper. Their new reasoning attracted not only the interest of public opinion but also that of French preponderants, powerful businesspersons and great land owners, who had a strong influence on the colonial administration. Opposed to the daring work of the young team, they achieved the censorship of all nationalist papers through the Residence (the colonial government) on 12 May 1931. A few days later, Habib and M'hamed Bourguiba, Bahri Guiga, Salah Farhat and El Materi were all prosecuted. However, they succeeded in obtaining the adjournment of their trial until 9 June 1931. On that day, numerous people came to show their support to the charged team getting their trial to be postponed once again. In response to this decision, Resident-general François Manceron, eager to put an end to the nationalist issue, achieved to outwit discord between Khairallah, the owner of the paper and the young nationalists. A conflict occurred between both parties about the management of La Voix du Tunisien which led to the team eager to take charge of the paper. However, because of the refusal of Khairallah, they decided to resign from the daily paper.

1934–1939: Rising nationalist leader

Founding of Neo-Destour and colonial repression

After he resigned from the executive committee of Destour, Bourguiba was on his own once again. However, his fellow mates of L'Action Tunisienne soon were in conflict with the elders of the party, ending with the exclusion of Guiga, on 17 November 1933 and the resignation of El Materi, M'hamed Bourguiba and Sfar from the executive committee on 7 December 1933. Soon referred to as "rebels", they were joined by Bourguiba and decided to undertake a campaign all over the country and explain their political positions to the people. Meanwhile, the elders of the Destour unleashed a propaganda campaign aiming to discredit them. Therefore, the young team visited areas severely affected by the economic crisis, including Ksar Hellal and Moknine where they were reluctantly welcomed. Thanks to Ahmed Ayed, a wealthy and respected Ksar Hellal inhabitant, the occasion to explain themselves was given. On 3 January 1934, they gathered with a part of the Ksar Hellal population in his house to clarify the reasons of their conflict with the Destour and specify their conception of national struggle for emancipation.

The speeches and determination to act of this new generation of nationalist was greatly welcomed by the Tunisian population which did not hesitate to criticize the "neglect of the Destour leadership to defend their interests". Upon the refusal of the executive committee to organize a special congress aiming to change their political orientations and thanks to the support of the population and notables, the "secessionists" decided to hold their own congress in Ksar Hellal on 2 March 1934. During the event, Bourguiba called the representatives to "choose the men who shall defend in their name the liberation of the country". The congress ended with the founding of a new political party, the Neo-Destour, presided by El Materi, and Bourguiba was designated chairman.

After the party was founded, the Neo-Destour aimed to strengthen its position among the political movements. The young team faced the resident-general, Marcel Peyrouton, who was dedicated to stopping the nationalist protests in an economic crisis atmosphere, which was an opportunity to seduce a larger audience. Thus, they needed to earn a greater place on the political stage, spread their ideology and rally the supporters of a still-strong Destour, and also convince the lower classes that the Neo-Destour was their advocate. The Neo-Destour invited the lower classes to join in "a dignity tormented by half a century of protectorate". Therefore, Bourguiba traveled all around the country and used new methods of communication different from that of the Destour elders. The lower classes, alienated and troubled by economic crisis, were convinced by his speech and joined his cause, bringing their full support to it. Units were created all over the country and a new structure was settled, making the Neo-Destour a more efficient movement than all those before. If the elders addressed the colonial oppressor to express their requests, the "secessionists" addressed the people. Even worldwide, the new party succeeded in finding support among French socialists, including philosopher and politician Félicien Challaye, who endorsed the Neo-Destour.

From negotiation attempt to confrontation

In the start of 1936, due to the ineffective policy of Peyrouton, the French government proceeded to his replacement with Armand Guillon, designated in March whose mission is to reinstate peace. Therefore, he succeeded in putting an end to two years of colonial repression, promoting dialogue and freeing the nationalist detainees on 23 April. Thus, Bourguiba was sent to Djerba where he was visited by the newly settled resident-general who was ready to negotiate with him, aiming to put an end to the conflicts and pursue a new liberal and humane policy. On 22 May, Bourguiba was freed of all charges and had the permission to regain his home in Tunis, alongside his fellow detainees. Meanwhile, in France, the Popular Front ascended with the settlement of Leon Blum's cabinet in June. This was a great opportunity for the leaders, who had always been close to the socialists. Soon, they met Guillon who promised to restore restricted liberties. Very satisfied by their interview with Guillon, the leaders were convinced that the ascending of the Blum ministry and the arrival of Guillon as head of the colonial government would be the start of flourishing negotiations which would lead to independence, even though they did not state it publicly.

On 10 June, the National Council of Neo-Destour gathered to establish a new policy towards this change in the French government. It ended with the endorsement of the new French policy and elaboration upon a series of feasible requests, to which the Neo-Destour expected a quick resolution. At the end of the meeting, Bourguiba was sent to Paris to set forth the platform of the party. In France, he became close to such Tunisian nationalist students as Habib Thameur, Hédi Nouira and Slimane Ben Slimane. Furthermore, he met under-secretary of state for foreign affairs, Pierre Viénot, on 6 July 1936. This publicly stated interview was unpopular among the French colonialists in Tunisia, which led later meetings to be conducted secretly. But French authorities were opposed to the hopes of Tunisian militants, and some of them even thought that it was a mere illusion. When he returned to Tunis, in September, the political atmosphere had changed with the re-establishment of liberties, which permitted the expansion of Neo-Destour and an increase in its members.

The resident-general in Tunisia introduced assimilation reforms by the end of 1936. This statement is the start of uprisings by the beginning of 1937. Viénot, travelling to Tunisia, reacted by declaring that "certain private interests of the French of Tunisia do not necessarily confound with those of France". Meanwhile, Bourguiba went to Paris, and then to Switzerland to attend a lecture about the capitulation held in April in Montreux. There, he met numerous Arab nationalist representatives including Chekib Arslan, Algerian Messali Hadj and Egyptian Nahas Pasha.

1939–1945: World War II

At the outbreak of World War II, Bourguiba was transferred on board of a destroyer, into the fort of Saint-Nicolas in Marseille on 26 May 1940. There he shared his cell with Hédi Nouira. Convinced that the war would end with the victory of the Allies, he wrote a letter to Habib Thameur, on 10 August 1942, to define his positions: Germany will not win the war and cannot win it. Between the Russian colossi but also the Anglo-Saxons, who hold the seas and whose industrial possibilities are endless, Germany will be crushed as if in the jaws of a irresistible vise [...] The order is given, to you and to the activists, to make contact with Gaulist French to combine our clandestine action [...] Our support must be unconditional. It is a matter of life and death for Tunisia.

He was transferred to Lyon and imprisoned in Montluc prison on 18 November 1942 then in Fort de Vancia until Klaus Barbie decided to free him and take him to Chalon-sur-Saône. He was greatly welcomed in Rome, alongside Ben Youssef and Ben Slimane, in January 1943, upon the request of Benito Mussolini who hoped to use Bourguiba to weaken the French resistance in North Africa. The Italian minister for foreign affairs tried to obtain from him a declaration in their favor. At his return's eve, he accepted to deliver a message to the Tunisian people, via Radio Bari, warning them against all the trends. When he returned to Tunis, on 8 April 1943, he guaranteed that his 1942 message was transmitted to all the population and its activists. With his position, he stood out from the collaboration of certain activists with the German occupant, settled in Tunisia in November 1942 and escaped the fate of Moncef Bey, dethroned with the liberation, in May 1943, by general Alphonse Juin, accusing him of collaboration. Bourguiba was freed by the Free French Force on 23 June.

In this period, he met Wassila Ben Ammar, his future second wife. Bourguiba, who was closely watched, did not feel like resuming the fight. Therefore, he requested the authorization to perform the pilgrimage of Mecca. This surprising request was refused by the French authorities. He then decided to flee in Egypt and in order to do that, crossed the Libyan borders, disguised in a caravan, on 23 March 1945 and arrived in Cairo in April.

1945–1949: Journey in Middle East

Bourguiba settled in Cairo, Egypt where he was aided by his former monasterial teacher, Mounier-Pillet, who lived in the Egyptian Capital city. There, Bourguiba met numerous personalities, such as Taha Hussein while participating in many events held in the city. He also met Syrians, who had just obtained their independence from France, and thus stated that "with the means they dispose, Arab countries should show solidarity with the national liberation struggles of the Maghreb". Even though his efforts were intensified, Bourguiba knew that nobody would support his cause as long as there was little tension between France and Tunisia. The Arab League was preoccupied mainly by the Palestinian issue, other requests not being their top priority. Therefore, he charged Ben Youssef to start these Franco-Tunisian tensions so that he could attract the attention of the Middle East.

Bourguiba pursued his efforts. Furthermore, he met Abd al-Aziz ibn Saud and tried to sensitize him to support the Tunisian nationalist struggle, but in vain. Due to the postponed promises of the people of Middle-East, Bourguiba decided to create an office of Neo-Destour in Cairo. Therefore, he invited Thameur, Rachid Driss, Taïeb Slim, Hédi Saïdi and Hassine Triki, detained by France and freed by Germans during the war, to join him in the Egyptian Capital. They arrived on 9 June 1946, aiding Bourguiba to start the rallying point of the North African community in Cairo. Soon, they were joined by Algerian and Moroccan nationalists. Furthermore, Bourguiba's speech was famous among the Anglo-Saxon media, and Maghrebi nationalism became more efficient in Cairo. Bourguiba was more and more convinced that the key to the nationalist struggle resided within the United States whose interests were same as those of the Maghrebi nationalists. Thus, he was looking forward to go to the states and benefited from the support of Hooker Doolittle, American consul in Alexandria. Firstly, he went to Switzerland, then Belgium, and covertly passed the borders to get to Antwerp, abroad the Liberty ship, on 18 November. On 2 December 1946, Bourguiba arrived in New York City during the session of the General Assembly of the United Nations.

There, Bourguiba took part in numerous receptions and banquets which was for him an occasion to meet American politicians, such as Dean Acheson, under-secretary of State, whom he meets in January 1947. Upon his trip to the United States, Bourguiba concluded that the superpower would support Tunisia in case its case was submitted to the United Nations. He based this idea on the United Nations Charter, signed by France and which stipulated the right of nation to self-determination. Therefore, he met Washington, D.C. officials and gained the attention of American public opinion thanks to the help of Lebanese Cecil Hourana, director of the Arab office of information in New York. Bourguiba, then, was strongly convinced he could bring up the Tunisian case in the international with the help of the five Arab states members of the United Nations.

1949–1956: Fighting for independence

Failure of negotiations with France

When he returned to Tunisia, Bourguiba decided to start a campaign to regain control of the party. From November 1949 to March 1950, Bourguiba visited cities such as Bizerte, Medjez el-Bab and Sfax and saw his popularity increase, thanks to his charisma and oratory skills. Once he had achieved his goals, he reappeared as the leader of the nationalist movement and therefore, decided to travel to France, ready for negotiations. On 12 April 1950, he landed in Paris to raise the Tunisian issue by mobilizing public opinion, media and politicians. Three days later, he gave a conference in Hôtel Lutetia to introduce the main nationalist requests, which he defined in seven points, stating that "these reforms destined to lead us towards independence must reinforce and strengthen the spirit of cooperation [...] We believe that we are a country too weak militarily and too strong strategically to dispense with the help of a great power, which we would want to be France".

His speech quickly attracted the opposition of both the "Preponderants" and the pan-Arab circles who were strongly against his stepwise policy and his collaboration with France. Therefore, Bourguiba felt that an endorsement from the bey was not only necessary, but vital. Thereby, he sent Ben Youssef and Hamadi Badra, convince Muhammad VIII al-Amin bey to write a letter to Vincent Auriol. On 11 April 1950, the letter was written, reminding the French president of the Tunisian requests sent ten months ago and asking for "necessary substantial reforms". At last, the French government reacted, on 10 June, with the designation of Louis Perillier as resident-general, who, according to then-minister for foreign affairs, Robert Schuman, "shall aim to lead Tunisia towards the full development of its wealth and lead it towards independence, which is the end goal for all territories within the French Union". However, the word "independence" is soon replaced by "internal autonomy". Despite that, Bourguiba was eager to support Périllier's reform process. Soon, he was satisfacted with his flourishing results of his visit to Paris because the Tunisian case became one of the most debated issues by both public opinion and parliament.

In Tunis, Périllier, endorsed by Bourguiba, favoured the constitution of a new Tunisian cabinet, led by M'hamed Chenik with neo-destourian participation to mark the liberal turning decided by France. On 17 August 1950, the cabinet was invested counting among its members three ministers from Neo-Destour. However, the French Rally of Tunisia, opposed to any reform, succeeded to pressure both the colonial government in Tunisia and the French authorities in France, to get the negotiations restrained. Périllier ended up yield to pressure and stated on 7 October that "It is time to give a break to reforms", which did not please the Tunisian government. Reacting to the statement, riots started in Enfida and ended with several dead and injured. Even though Bourguiba tried to pacify the atmosphere of tension, his strategy of collaboration with France was contested by the majority of Tunisian leaders who considered it indefensible, mainly after the adoption of deceiving reforms, on 8 February 1951.

Armed struggle

While the Tunisian delegation got back to Tunis upon the blocking of negotiations, Bourguiba remained in Paris where he judged essential to make contacts in this confrontation era. His goals consisted in obtaining funds and arms for the armed struggle but also convince the rest of the world to introduce the Tunisian issue in the United Nations. However, due to the refusal of his request by numerous diplomats, he decided to provoke the complaint and force the fight. Upon his return to Tunisia, on 2 January 1952, he hurried to meet the bey and Grand Vizier Chenik, who he urged to introduce the request to the United Nations Security Council, faking that he obtained the support of the American delegate if Tunisia complained. If they were hesitating at first, they soon gave way to Bourguiba. Meanwhile, the nationalist leader travelled all around the country to inform the people of this issue. His speeches became more and more violent and ended with his statement in Bizerte, on 13 January, where he denounced the cabinet if a delegation did not fly immediately to the U.N. The request was signed on 11 January in Chenik's house by all the ministers of the cabinet, in the presence of Bourguiba, Hached and Tahar Ben Ammar. On 13 January, Salah Ben Youssef and Hamadi Badra flew to Paris, where they intended to desposit the complaint.

France did not appreciate the move and reacted with the nomination of Jean de Hauteclocque as new resident-general. Known for his radical hard way, he decided to prohibit the congress of Neo-Destour that should have been held on 18 January and proceeded with the arrest of activists, such as Bourguiba. The congress, which was held clandestinely, favored the continuation of the popular unrest. The following repression soon started a greater unrest. Meanwhile, Bourguiba was transferred to Tabarka where he kept a surprising flexibility and freedom of movement. He soon understood De Hautecloque's maneuvers as his desire for Bourguiba to exile himself in nearby Algeria. He was even interviewed by Tunis Soir and was visited by Hédi Nouira and Farhat Hached.

Following the uprising in Tunisia, Afro-Asian country members of the UN finally answered the request of Ben Youssef and Badra, introducing the Tunisian case to the Security Council, on 4 February 1952. As for Bourguiba, "it depends on France to make this appeal moot by loyally accepting the principle of internal autonomy of Tunisia". But on 26 March, upon the strong refusal of the bey to discharge Chenik's cabinet, De Hauteclocque placed Chenik, El Materi, Mohamed Salah Mzali and Mohamed Ben Salem under house arrest in Kebili while Bourguiba was sent to Remada. A new cabinet, led by Slaheddine Baccouche took over.

Internal autonomy agreements

On 21 July, Bourguiba was transferred into The Château de La Ferté in Amilly (110 kilometers from Paris) on the orders of Mendès France to preparing the upcoming negotiations. On 31 July, the new French prime minister travelled to Tunis and gave his famous speech in which he stated that the French government unilaterally recognizes the internal autonomy of Tunisia. Meanwhile, Bourguiba received representatives of Neo-Destour in Paris, under the supervision of the Direction centrale des renseignements généraux. In Tunis, a new cabinet led by Tahar Ben Ammar was formed to negotiate with the French authorities. Four members of Neo-Destour were made ministers.

On 18 August, the negotiations started. Bourguiba was given the right to settle in the hotel where the Tunisian delegation lodged. Thus, he received detailed reports of the delegation talks while he gave them instructions. However, the situation in the country worsened with the pursuing of the armed struggle. Likewise, the first day of negotiations started with a serious clash between military and rebels. Everybody was convinced that only a watchword from the Neo-Destour would convince the fellaghas to stop the fight. Nevertheless, the party was ripped between those who wanted the unrest to continue and those who wanted it to stop. Bourguiba wanted the fight to be over to hasten the negotiations for the internal autonomy. He had among the party numerous supporters of the stepwise policy of his. But many were those who wanted immediate independence. In this context, he appeared to be the only one to have the necessary authority to resolve the problem.

Mendès France, convinced that the current troubled situation threatened his colonial policy, was eager to meet Bourguiba. Therefore, he was transferred to Chantilly, in October, where he was from that moment lodged. The interview between both men remained secret and ended with Bourguiba's promise to end the unrest in the country. Nevertheless, the beginning of the armed civil uprising in Algeria on 1 November 1954, did not improve the current situation. Indeed, the rage of French politicians, who accused the Tunisian fellaghas to collaborate with the Algerian rebels, slowed the negotiations. The situation worsened on 11 November, when the French government, addressed an ultimatum to the Tunisian government, announcing that the talks would stop until the unrest in Tunisia was over.

On 14 November, under the pressure of Bourguiba, the Nation Council of Neo-Destour, invited both French and Tunisian government to "find a solution to the fellaghas issue guaranteeing in an explicit way their backup, their personal freedom and that of their families". On 20 November, an agreement was concluded. It said firstly that "the Tunisian government solemnly invite the fellaghas to deliver their weapons to the French and Tunisian authorities" and secondly that "the resident-general of France and the Tunisian government vouch that under the agreement between them, the fellaghas shall not be disturbed or prosecuted and that measures be taken to facilitate their rehabilitation to normal life and that of their families". Furthermore, Bourguiba intervened a second time to reassure the resistance leaders of his confidence in Mendès France and reiterated his guarantee of their security. After two years of unrest, the discussions can finally resume.

Fratricidal struggles

On 13 September, Ben Youssef returned to the country from Cairo. Trying to bring back peace and convince Ben Youssef to reconsider his positions, Bourguiba went to the airport welcoming his "old friend". But his efforts were in vain and peace was short: Ben Youssef did not wait too long to criticize the modernism of the "supreme commander" who trampled the Arab-Muslim values and invited Bourguiba's opponents to resume the armed struggle to free the whole Maghreb. Reacting to Ben Youssef's statements, the French High Commissioner judged them to be outre while the Neo-Destour Leadership impeached Ben Youssef of all his charges, during a meeting convened by Bourguiba. The exclusion was voted but the seriousness of the situation led them to keep the decision secret until further notice. It was finally made public on 13 October, surprising many activists who judged the decision to be too important to be taken by a mere meeting. Many factions, supportive of Ben Youssef, were opposed to the decision and declared Ben Youssef to be their rightful leader.

On 15 October, Ben Youssef reacted to the leadership's decision in a meeting organized in Tunis: He declared the party leaders illegal and took the direction of a "general Secretariat" which he proclaimed being the only legitimate leadership of the Neo-Destour. The pan-Arab scholars of Ez-Zitouna, feeling marginalized by the occidental trend of the party, showed a great support for the conservative trend who had just being created. The country started to twitch once again. Ben Youssef multiplied his tours around the country facing the sabotage attempts of Bourguiba's followers. However, cells supportive of Ben Youssef were creating everywhere, while many Neo-Destourian activists remained in an expectant hush, waiting to see who of the two leaders will have the last word. Therefore, Bourguiba started an information campaign which was successful, especially in Kairouan, who was seduced by the leader's charisma and decided to rally his cause.

In this context, a congress was held in November 1955 to choose which of the two leaders would have the last word. Though Ben Youssef decided not to attend, Bourguiba ended up winner of the debate and obtained the endorsement of the delegates. Therefore, his opponent was expelled from the party and the internal autonomy conventions were approved. Outraged by the congress aftermath, Ben Youssef organized numerous meetings to demonstrate his influence. Inside the country, he gained the support of fellaghas who reprised the uprest. Bourguibist cells and French settlers were attacked. As for the fellaghas, it was necessary to get immediate independence, even with weaponry and put an end to Bourguiba's power. The 1 June united Tunisia was definitely torn apart: Those who rallied Bourguiba and those who opposed him and joined Ben Youssef.

1956–1957: Prime minister of the Kingdom of Tunisia

Following independence, proclaimed on 20 March 1956, a National Constituent Assembly was elected, on 25 March, in order to write a constitution. Therefore, Bourguiba ran to represent the constituents of Monastir, as the Neo-Destour candidate. On 8 April, the assembly held its opening session, chaired by M'hamed Chenik while Al-Amine bey attended the ceremony. The same day, Bourguiba was elected as Speaker of the National Constituent Assembly and gave a speech, summarizing his ambitions for the country: We cannot forget that we are Arabs, that we are rooted in the Islamic civilization, as much as we cannot neglect the fact of living in the second part of the 20th century. We want to take part in the march of civilization and take a place deep into our time.

With this new start, Tahar Ben Ammar's mission as head of government had ended and therefore, he delivered his resignation to al-Amine bey. Therefore, the Neo-Destour nominated Bourguiba to be their candidate for the office, on 9 April. Bourguiba accepted and was officially invited by the bey, three days after his election as head of the assembly, to form a cabinet. On 14 April, Bourguiba introduced his cabinet including one deputy prime minister, Bahi Ladgham, two state ministers, eleven ministers and two secretaries of state. Furthermore, Bourguiba combined the offices of Minister of Foreign Affairs and Defense. Therefore, he became the 20th Head of government of Tunisia and the second of the Kingdom of Tunisia. He expressed, once officially inaugurated as Prime minister, his will to "enforce sovereignty bases by perfecting the means inside the country and abroad, put this sovereignty only under the service of Tunisian's interests, implementing a bold and judicious policy to free national economy from the chains of immobilism and unemployment."

As Prime minister, Bourguiba worked to secure total independence. Upon his nomination, the police switched from French management to Tunisian command, as he nominated Ismaïl Zouiten to be chief of police and the first Tunisian to hold this office. Meanwhile, French gendarmerie was replaced by the National Guard, on 3 October 1956. Bourguiba also reorganized Tunisia's administrative divisions, creating a modern structure made of 14 governorates, divided in delegations and managed by appointed governors. Bourguiba also pursued negotiations with France in order to have full control over diplomacy, as France still had a say over foreign policy until an agreement was found. Despite that, Bourguiba created a Tunisian minister of Foreign affairs on 3 May and invited other countries to establish embassies and diplomatic relations. Therefore, he appointed 4 ambassadors in Arab countries and approved the United States and Turkey's decision to start a diplomatic mission in Tunisia. Under pressure, France agreed with the opening of respective embassies and signed an agreement with the Tunisian government on 16 May. On 12 November, Tunisia became an official United Nations member.

1957–1987: Presidency

1957–1962: Founder of Modern Tunisia

On 8 February 1958, the French army bombed the border village of Sakiet Sidi Youssef. Casualties were high with 72 dead and numerous injured. The very evening, Bourguiba declared the "evacuation battle" of Bizerte open. Thus, he proclaimed entry ban of every French warship into Tunisian waters, on 12 February. He also presented the National Constituent Assembly with a bill repealing the 1942 convention specifying that "Bizerte was not part of Tunisian territory but was a French harbor". The bill was successfully adopted on 14 February.

Thanks to diplomatic pressure, he obtained from France total evacuation of Tunisian territory except for Bizerte. Three years later, following a deadly crisis in Bizerte, negotiations ended with the French evacuation of Tunisian lands, on 15 October 1963.

On 1 June 1959, the constitution was officially adopted. Thus, it was signed by President Bourguiba, during a ceremony held in Bardo. Furthermore, he addressed the nation to recall presciently the Caliphate era: Everything depended on the personal abilities and moral qualities of leaders. The only limits to their power derived from the requirements of religion. That was for qualification. For tenure length, they were ruling for life. Only death put an end to their term. They could age, become unable to assume power and fall under the influence of surrounding courtiers and creatures. It was a dead end, with no way out. The quarry was organized.

Unlike his Arab counterparts, Bourguiba based his priorities on education and health, to the detriment of the army and defense. Therefore, he established a modern education system, appointing famous writer Mahmoud Messadi as his minister of education. Thus, he put an end to Koranic and westernized double teaching curriculum. Schools were therefore public and free. Bourguiba also abolished the dual system of justice, ended the influence of religion on the judiciary and established civil courts.

In February 1961, he invited his fellow citizens not to fast during Ramadan in order to struggle against underdevelopment and set the basis of a new modern state. In March 1964, he made the point by drinking openly on television, a glass of orange juice, during the day. His position on fasting published by a Lebanese newspaper, started sharp criticism in the Muslim World and in 1974 Abd al-Aziz ibn Baz accused him of apostasy.

1960s: Socialist experiment and Arab diplomacy issues

Ahmed Ben Salah, rising star of the government and supporter of a socialist economic policy, was protected from other Tunisois (people originating from Tunis) minister's attacks by Bourguiba who fully endorsed him: "I am personally responsible for the plan that I put under my authority. Henceforth, this plan will be the party's work". On 17 November 1961, Ben Salah was appointed in the party leadership, despite his failure in the Central committee elections during the Congress of Sousse in 1959.

Bourguiba's remarriage with Wassila Ben Ammar, on 12 April 1962, was a missed occasion for the Tunisois to limit Ben Salah's encroachment. This happened on 6 February 1963, Bourguiba proclaimed that the battle against underdevelopment was "a struggle for human dignity and the glory of fatherland [...] In these circumstances, the restriction of freedoms and privileges of private property is needed when it comes to make it more productive use and more profitable for the community". In June, during a visit to Sfax, he stated: As for those who set themselves up as defenders of individual liberty, private sector and free business, we say that the plan serves the interests of all. In our situation, only collective action is effective.

Therefore, he targeted trade sector: All traditional circuits were broken and replaced by a centralized network of state offices and cooperatives. He specifically aimed the trade provided by Djerbiens in which Ben Salah saw a conservative caste. On 28 April 1964, Bourguiba demanded the start of negotiations on agricultural lands detained by foreigners. In response, on 2 May, France notified the suspension of its financial aid. Bourguiba, therefore, decided to enact the nationalization of lands, on 12 May. However, peasantry did not want to integrate such a system. Indeed, bureaucracy weakened governmental ideology: While certain unities remained in Barren vegetation, other ended up acquiring more workers than necessary.

On 30 September, the first five-year plan ended up with 25% devaluation of the dinar. During the congress of Bizerte, the collectivist strategy was, nevertheless, confirmed with the establishment of the coexistence of three economic sectors (public, private and cooperative). The Neo-Destour was therefore, renamed as Socialist Destourian Party (SDP) and a central committee was formed including ministers, governors, regional party officers and some high officials. Based on communist party model. Thus, the leadership was no more elected but chosen by the president among the central committee. At the end of congress, to seize control of the Tunisian General Labour Union (TGLU), unique labor union of the country, the SDP decided to create, in all businesses, its own professional cells to compete with the labor ones. The presidential party, therefore, achieved its predominance over the country.

1970s: Blocked reforms and health problems

Bourguiba, henceforth, urged the adoption of reforms aiming to restructure both the State organization and the SDP one. Therefore, the party leadership switched from a political office to a high committee. Nevertheless, in the start of August, he announced his will to focus on a social and economic agenda, insisting on justice for the victims of collectivism and thus, put political issues aside.

The socialist era being over, the government was in the hands of liberal Hedi Nouira, appointed prime minister in 1970. In January 1971, before leaving for treatment in the United States, Bourguiba signed a decree, delegating his powers to Nouira, which consolidated the Achour-Nouira alliance, opposed to Minister of the Interior, Ahmed Mestiri. During the Congress of Monastir that started on 19 June, Bourguiba, returning after six months of treatment abroad, designated three successive "heirs": "It is with confidence that I foresee the day when my journey in this world comes to an end, Nouira shall succeed me as later will do Mestiri then Masmoudi". But the congress adopted a turning that seemed not to please the President. After Mestiri's attempt to seize control of the party, Bourguiba suspended him, along with his allies and declared finished the works of the Central Committee: "It is more than clear that, while I am still of this world, I will be maintained at the head of State".

In May 1973, Bourguiba met with Algerian President Houari Boumediene in Kef. He told him: "The beginning is the union between Algeria and Tunisia. We will do it methodically but firmly [...] we will proceed in stages". Bourguiba, surprised by the proposition, suggested: "Algeria can yield Constantine to restore a better geographical balance between the two countries". During an interview with the Egyptian weekly El Moussaouar, on 20 September, Bourguiba made a statement, sharing his thoughts about any further union project: The creation of the United States of North Africa including Tunisia, Libya, Algeria, Morocco and Mauritania, would be in stages, slowly and carefully, and take all the time it would take: 10 years or 100 years [...] The capital of the federation should be Kairouan, the spiritual capital of the Muslims for centuries and thus symbolize the return to the past glory of the Islamic world [...]

In January 1974, Bourguiba met with Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi in Jerba. During this meeting, the idea of a possible union between Libya and Tunisia was introduced. At the end of the interview, the Tunisian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Masmoudi, stated: "The two countries will form a single republic, the Arab Islamic Republic, with a single constitution, one flag, one president, one army and the same executive, legislative and judicial. A referendum will be organized on 18 January 1974". At the airport, Bourguiba declared to journalists: This day was historic, devoting half a century of struggle marked by the constitution of the Islamic Arab Republic, which is bound to have considerable weight in view of the experiences, executives and wealth at its disposal. We express the hope that Algeria, Mauritania and Morocco will join Libya and Tunisia [...] We decided to organize a referendum as soon as possible, expected to be on 18 January 1974. However, if the procedure regarding the referendum requires a delay, it could take place on 20 March, Independence Day [...] This is what I wanted to proclaim to all the peoples of North Africa. It is our hope to see the people of the Mashreq follow our example to form a powerful and robust community.

1980s: Succession of crises and fall from power

In that context, the 1980s started in Tunisia with a deep crisis. Clientelism began to grow more and more until it disabled economic and social development. The situation worsened with Bourguiba's age, his declining health and his incapacity to manage state issues. Thus, it favored the ascension of an entourage which battled to succeed him, starting a succession war. The country, in that period, knew a serious political and social crisis, which worsened with the declining economy and the paralysis of the state machinery, spreading uneasiness, despair and loss of confidence. However, during the SPD congress of April 1981, Bourguiba made a historical speech in favor of political pluralism: The degree of maturity reached by Tunisian people, young people's aspirations and the interest there is to involve all Tunisians in taking decisions, whatever their views are, whether they are inside or outside the party, invites us to say that we see no objection to the emerging of political or social national organizations.

However, this turning failed because of the internal electoral confrontation in the capital city, during parliamentary elections, and, despite the Prime minister, Mzali's efforts. Therefore, the war of succession worsened. In this context, Wassila Bourguiba, interviewed by Jeune Afrique, on 28 February 1982, stated that "With the current version of the constitution, continuity is artificial and the risk of popular rejection is not excluded. The Tunisian people respects Bourguiba but true continuity will only happen when Bourguiba's work is pursued by a democratically-elected president." Habib Achour, interviewed by the same magazine on 11 August, declared: "I am for the review of the Constitution so that all candidates who wish can run for office freely". Bourguiba carried out his promises with the legalization of two new political parties, on 19 November 1983: The Movement of Socialist Democrats and the Popular Unity Party, former allies of Ben Salah.

A fall in the price of oil in late 1983 reduced the revenue of the Tunisian state, which was already struggling to meet rising expenses. President Bourguiba agreed to seek a loan from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The IMF loan was conditional on government spending cuts and other reforms. The government announced an end to food subsidies on 29 December 1983, causing an immediate rise in the price of bread and flour. The Tunisian bread riots started that day in the semi-desert region of Nefzaoua in the south, and on 3 January 1984 a state of emergency was declared after the unrest had spread to Tunis and Sfax.

1987–2000: Post-presidency and later life

To avoid his reinstatement by opponents, Bourguiba was evacuated from Carthage Palace, a few days after 7 November 1987, to be transferred into a house in Mornag then, to Monastir, on 22 October 1988 where he enjoyed medical assistance. he was forced in isolation by Ben Ali, in the white book , he’s suffering and depressions were documented. Suffering from numerous health problems, including slurred speech and attention deficits, Bourguiba went through serious diseases during the 1990s. He was, sometimes, visited by foreigners and President Ben Ali.

Death

On 5 March 2000, Bourguiba was rushed to the Tunis military hospital, following a pneumonitis. His condition deemed critical, he underwent thoracentesis while in the ICU. His health improved, he left hospital on 13 March to return to his house in Monastir, where he died on 6 April 2000 at 9:50 pm. President Ben Ali proclaimed seven days of national mourning while Algeria announced three days of national mourning. Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika stated that Bourguiba was "One of the Maghreb's most influential personalities of the 20th century, which Africa and the entire world can boast". Secretary-General of the United Nations Kofi Annan described Bourguiba as a "man of peace" and "architect of the Organization of African Unity".

At the end of the afternoon, his body was wrapped in a white shroud, according to tradition, and carried by Chabiba members, the youth organization of the Democratic Constitutional Rally, wearing redcoats. It was deposited in the middle of the familial house, covered with the Tunisian national flag and surrounded by Chabiba members. His son, Habib Jr., his daughter-in-law and his adoptive daughter Hajer received condolences from Monastir City and Governorate officials. Bourguiba was buried on 8 April, in the afternoon, in his mausoleum. After a short ceremony at the Hanafi Mosque of Bourguiba, his body was transported on a gun carriage, draped in the national flag and carried by a military vehicle framed by detachments of the Tunisian army. Among the foreign leaders in attendance were Bouteflika, Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and French President Jacques Chirac. After the burial, President Ben Ali pronounced a eulogy in which he paid tribute to Bourguiba's "loyal and devoted fight" for Tunisia.

The funeral was criticized in international media for its brevity and the fact that state television broadcast animal footage during the funeral procession.

Legacy

Habib Bourguiba led Tunisia to independence, and founded the second civil republic in the Arab world after that of Lebanon. He then implemented a series of "Tunisification" policies to bring forward the building of a nation-state.

As for former minister Charfi, subsequent transformations of the Tunisian society brought by the action of Bourguiba are numerous: urbanization, education, transition to another family model and women's liberation. He also insisted on the part Bourguiba had in reforming the country, alongside other great personalities in Tunisia history, such as Kheireddine Pacha and Tahar Haddad. "If underdevelopment were a sickness, then Bourguiba was able to make the right diagnosis and implement effective remedies". However, others question the extent of success in this battle for development and the role Bourguiba had in this evolution.

Bourguibism

Bourguiba had developed his own doctrine that he called "Bourguibism" but which is similar to pragmatism. It was founded on the political and economic realism which is based on the belief that "no field of life on earth should escape the human power of reason". It also contained elements of populist and corporatist discourse, support for the welfare state, and until the Tunisian Revolution, its followers generally followed a statist outlook.

Considered in several respects a local variant of Kemalism, it consists of the assertion of the Tunisian national identity, incorporating the fight against the Ottomans and the French, of liberalism, a nationalized and controlled Islam and total independence towards the politics of other nearby Arab nations. Step-by-step policy is a major part of Bourguiba's doctrine. Bourguiba thought in this manner mainly because the actions were based on what he considered real possibilities, not aspirations, unlike "the all or nothing" policy, advocated and supported by some.

In reality, it permitted Bourguiba to enjoy a freedom of action that led him to political opportunism, allowing him to impose not only breakthrough changes but also spectacular turnabouts.

Social reforms

The Bourguiba government's reforms included female emancipation, public education, family planning, a modern, state-run healthcare system, a campaign to improve literacy, administrative, financial and economic organization, suppression of religious property endowments, known as Waqf, and building the country's infrastructure.

In his social agenda, Bourguiba advocated for women's rights. Thus, he enacted the Code of Personal Status, ratified on 13 August 1956, a few months after he had taken office, as Prime minister of the Kingdom of Tunisia. Inspired by the views of Tahar Haddad, who was a Women's rights defender, Bourguiba based this law on his ideas, emancipating women, despite the then-conservative public opinion. Bourguiba understood the opposition he would face but decided to act, before even building the Republic. Nevertheless, he was supported by some religious personalities, such as Fadhel Ben Achour, who defended Bourguiba's reform, stating that the CPS are possible interpretations of Islam. However, others did not share these views and said that the CPS was violating Islamic norms. The Personal Status Code would, then, constitute the fundamental legacy of Habib Bourguiba, to the point of becoming a sort of consensus block that the Islamists themselves would not challenge publicly anymore. Nevertheless, he succeeded in setting important legal precedents by prohibiting polygamy, expanding women's access to divorce, and raising the age at which girls could marry to 17 years old, expanding women's rights.

Establishing a parallel with Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Mohamed Charfi advocated that Bourguiba wanted to reform society "within Islam" and not against it. This transforming society and its modernization was accompanied by an explanation consisting of a modulated action, according to which public Bourguiba addressed. This reformer dimension is nevertheless questioned by author Hélé Béji, who draws attention to the transgressive nature of many of Bourguiba's gestures, particularly in women's status. Furthermore, Jean Daniel mentioned a conversation between Bourguiba and Jacques Berque about Islam. For Bourguiba, religion, associated to the Destourian party, had historically favored the colonization of Tunisia. On the other hand, Charfi opposed this idea, stating that the undeniable break carried out by Bourguiba occurred more with traditional society than with Islam, as such.

Bourguiba was very critical of the veil, on various occasions referring to it as "that odious rag".

Foreign policy

Regarding his foreign policy, Jean Lacouture indicated that Bourguiba maintained relations with France, even if problematic to the East. Lacouture testified on Bourguiba's anger when he was proposed "co-sovereignty" back in 1955. It was the struggle for his country's independence, that sparked misunderstandings with the Arab League countries, but which will be, on the other hand, better understood by the United States with whom Bourguiba established strong relations. As for him, unlike other leaders in the Arab world, he believed that non-alignment did not equate to anti-Americanism.

Furthermore, Bourguiba was a strong supporter of Francophonie alongside Léopold Sédar Senghor and Hamani Diori, and he became its active ambassador during his tour in Africa in 1965. According to him, the French language and Francophonie were both conducive to building an open, modern Tunisia.

One-party state

Bourguiba, who advocated independence insisting on the maturity of the Tunisian people, ended up judging that his country was not prepared for democracy and political pluralism and proclaimed himself president for life. As for him, "the people were not yet mature enough for democracy" which evaded in the name of the unity his project was involving. Consequently, once the bases of a modern state were built, Bourguiba gradually chose a "paternalistic authoritarian" regime. This culminated in the Neo Destour being formally declared the only legally permitted party in 1963.

Consequently, political democracy in the Western sense was more or less nonexistent. The constitution vested Bourguiba with sweeping—almost dictatorial—powers. Bourguiba himself admitted this when a journalist asked him about Tunisia's political system. Bourguiba replied, "The system? What system? I am the system." In this context, Bourguiba's party became an "alibi in an ideological desert".

Power of one

It is important to specify that, during his conquest and exercise of power, he systematically rejected all his allies who became rivals: Abdelaziz Thâalbi and Mohieddine Klibi, who represented the bourgeoise faction of Destour; Salah Ben Youssef, supported by Nasser, whom he assassinated in 1961. Tahar Ben Ammar who ratified the independence protocol; Ahmed Mestiri, who represented the liberal faction among his party; Mahmoud El Materi, the first president of Neo-Destour, who was discredited many times and, losing confidence in Bourguiba, decided to retire.

Yet Bourguiba himself made the diagnosis of the dangers of political archaism that threatened the country. On 8 June 1970, after noting that "experience [reveals] that the concentration of power in the hands of an only one person, as devoted as he is, has risks", he described the great lines of the institutional reform he considered, back then. It will focus, he announced, on "amendments [that] will make the cabinet responsible to the President of the Republic but also to the National Assembly which emerged from popular vote. So it shall be lawful for the assembly to impeach a minister or a cabinet by a vote against it [...]. Other modifications of the constitution will ease the responsibilities undertaken so far by the president and only by himself [...] After fifteen years of exercise of power, it is time to revise the Constitution and establish some collaboration between the head of State, the national Assembly and the people". But the spirit of this reform did not meet these commitments, only the spirit of Article 39 (establishing the life presidency) would prevail.

The end of his reign was marked by a war of succession, the weakening of the left and the emergence of the Islamist movement and patrimonialism.

Personal life

In 1925, while a student in Paris, Habib Bourguiba met Mathilde Lorrain with whom he settled. During summer vacations back in Tunis, he learned that she was pregnant: Habib Bourguiba Jr., his only child, was born on 9 April 1927 in Paris. The couple married in August of the same year, after their return to Tunisia. After independence, Mathilde obtained Tunisian citizenship, converted to Islam and adopted the name of Moufida. On 21 July 1961, they ended up divorcing.

On 12 April 1962, Bourguiba married Wassila Ben Ammar, a woman from a family of Tunis bourgeoisie he had known for 18 years. Together, they adopted a girl named Hajer. Wassila took a larger part in politics over the deteriorating health of her husband, which would give her the title of Majda (Venerable). The couple divorced on 11 August 1986, with a mere statement and without any respected legal proceedings.

Honours and decorations

Tunisian national honours

Tunisia :

Grand Master & Grand Collar of the Order of Independence (automatic upon taking presidential office)

Grand Master & Grand Collar of the Order of the Republic (automatic upon taking presidential office)

Grand Master & Grand Cordon of the National Order of Merit (automatic upon taking presidential office)

Grand Cordon of Nichan Iftikar (1956)

Foreign honors

Denmark: Knight of the Order of the Elephant (1963)

Egypt: Collar of the Order of the Nile (1965)

Ethiopia: Grand Cross of the Order of the Star of Ethiopia (1963)

Ghana: Companion of the Order of the Star of Ghana (1966)

Netherlands: Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Netherlands Lion (1966)

Iran: Collar of the Order of Pahlavi (1969)

Italy: Knight Grand Cross with Collar of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic (25 May 1962)

Ivory Coast: Grand Cross of the National Order of the Ivory Coast (1966)

Jordan: Collar of the Order of Al-Hussein bin Ali (1973)

KSA: Collar of the Order of Abdulaziz Al Saud (1975)

Liberia: Grand Croce of the Order of the Pioneers of Liberia (1966)

Libya: Collar of the Order of Idris I

Malaysia: Honorary Grand Commander of the Order of the Defender of the Realm (1969)

Mauritania: Grand Cordon of the National Order of Merit of Mauritania (1966)

Morocco: Collar of the Order of Muhammad

Morocco: Grand Cordon of the Order of Ouissam Alaouite (1956)

Awards and recognition

Honorary Degree from Cheikh Anta Diop University

Honorary Degree from Cairo University

Honorary Degree from Lebanese University

Nelson Mandela Supreme Fighter Prize

Order of Independence

Publications

Le Destour et la France, ed. Berg, Paris, 1937

La Tunisie et la France : vingt-cinq ans de lutte pour une coopération libre, ed. Julliard, Tunis, 1954

La Tunisie de Bourguiba, ed. Plon, Paris, 1958

Le Drame algérien, ed. Publications du secrétariat d’État à l’Information, Tunis, 1960

La Bataille économique, ed. Publications du secrétariat d’État à l’Information, Tunis, 1962

La Promotion de l’Afrique, ed. Publications du secrétariat d’État à l’Information, Tunis, 1965

Éducation et développement, ed. Publications du secrétariat d’État à l’Information, Tunis, 1966

9 avril 1938. Le procès Bourguiba, ed. Centre de documentation nationale, Tunis, 1970

Propos et réflexions, ed. Publications du secrétariat d’État à l’Information, Tunis, 1974

Ma vie, mes idées, mon combat, ed. Publications du secrétariat d’État à l’Information, Tunis, 1977

Citations, ed. Dar El Amal, Tunis, 1978

Articles de presse (1929-1933), ed. Dar El Amal, Tunis, 1982

Les Lettres du prisonnier de La Galite, ed. Dar El Amal, Tunis, 1983

Ma vie, mon œuvre, ed. Plon, Paris, 1985