István Tisza

Early life and education

Born into the Tisza family as the son of Kálmán Tisza de Borosjenő, who served as prime minister of Hungary between 1875 and 1890 from the Liberal Party. The Tiszas were originally Calvinists of untitled lower noble origins (regarded as equivalent to the British gentry). His mother, Countess Helene von Degenfeld-Schonburg, was a Hungarian-German aristocrat from Baden-Württemberg (born: Helene Johanna Josepha Mathilde Gräfin von Degenfeld-Schonburg).

The young István raised in a puritanical and authoritarian Calvinist environment with high expectations. He had studied at home until the age of twelve, before he gained entry to grammar school named the Calvinist Gymnasium of Debrecen. After completing his secondary education, he took legal studies in Budapest, and then went on to study international law at Heidelberg University, followed by studies at the faculty of economics of Humboldt University of Berlin, obtaining a PhD, and eventually he put himself through the faculty of political science at the University of Oxford, earning a doctorate in political science.

At first, he became acquainted with the practical issues of the public administration at the Ministry of the Interior. He had done several studies on agricultural issues that were published in the Budapest Review. After serving 1 year as a volunteer hussar in the Royal Hungarian Honvéd army; where he got promoted to the rank of hussar officer, he settled in Bihar County and took an active part in the political and economic life of the county as a committee member and honorary chief notary of Bihar county.

Political career

Tisza as a member of parliament

After overseeing his family estates in Bihar County and Geszt for five years, he decided to pursue a career in politics. He won his first parliamentary electoral mandate in 1886 with the Liberal Party in Vízakna (Now: Ocna Sibiului, Romania), a Transylvanian electoral district that he represented until 1892. Subsequently, he won his second seat in 1892 as a representative of Újbánya district (Now: Nová Baňa, Slovakia). In 1896, he won the seat of Ugra district (Now: Ungra, Romania). Meanwhile, he also became a member of the economic committee of the Hungarian parliament, where he was engaged in conferring about macroeconomic issues.

In the 1890s, having capitalized on a phenomenon that was prevalent among prestigious European politicians at that time, he held a number of sinecures, which thereby provided extraordinary income to him. He was the president of the Hungarian Industrial and Commercial Bank (Magyar Ipar- és Kereskedelmi Bank); and, besides, he took on positions on numerous corporate boards, e.g., on boards of numerous joint-stock companies and industrial enterprises. In the face of the financial crisis of the 1890s, many of these enterprises became the fastest emerging companies of the country under his lead; some of them could even become inevitably important enterprises in their own sectors. As a result, the mediocre Hungarian Industrial and Commercial Bank was transformed into the largest Bank of Hungary in a decade.

His uncle, the childless Lajos Tisza received the title of Count from Emperor Franz Joseph in 1897. However, Lajos Tisza conferred his new title upon his nephew Stephen with the consent of the Monarch, on 16 February 1897.

Prime minister (first term, 1903–1905)

He was chairman and board member of several financial institutions (e.g., the Hungarian Industrial and Commercial Bank) and many industrial companies but resigned from all of his memberships before he was appointed as prime minister. In this period of time, he managed to get the remains of prince Francis II Rákóczi repatriated from Turkey and interred in the St Elisabeth Cathedral of Kassa, today Košice.

On 19 April 1904, a nationwide strike of railroad workers broke out, which paralyzed the Hungarian economy. Tisza solved the crisis quickly but drastically: the organizers of the strike got arrested, and the participant railway workers got recruited into the Hungarian Honvéd army. Besides parliament introduced a Bill increasing the number of draftees and the police came down heavily on peasants for taking part in a Socialist gathering in Bihar, leaving 33 dead and several hundred wounded.

Tisza often used his influence in parliament to grant titles to wealthy Jewish families, especially for successful industrialists and bankers, of whose lives he thought had set a good example to the people worth following. Many of the young middle-class families were Jews or baptized Jews. Tisza often gathered influential men of Jewish extraction around himself as advisors. He even offered many positions in his cabinets to Jews. His first appointment was Samu Hazai as Minister of War. Two years later he picked János Teleszky as minister of finance. The third Jewish member of his cabinet was János Harkányi, minister of trade. Tisza appointed Samu Hazai as Minister of War during his second premiere. They all served for the duration of Tisza's seven years in office. The Liberal Party passed legislation for the Jewish emancipation in 1867 and appointed many Jewish origin MEPs to parliament (both to the upper and lower houses). In return, many Jews supported the party. Many districts of Budapest, where Jews made up half of the voters, reliably voted for the Liberal candidates. Similarly to the policy of his father, István Tisza allowed the unrestricted immigration of Jewish refugees from the Russian Empire, who fled from the Tzarist pogroms. His philosemitic political attitude made him a target of anti-Semite politicians and political circles.

At the beginning of the 20th century, only 54.5% (1910 census) of the population of the Kingdom of Hungary considered themselves to be Hungarians. The Tisza's party —i.e. "The Liberal Party of Hungary" urgently needed the support of minorities to maintain the majority of the party in the Hungarian parliament. The liberal party was the most popular political force in the electoral districts where the ethnic minorities represented the local majority. However, his main political opponents —i.e. "The nationalist Party of Independence and '48 and Catholic People's Party" could collect mandates only from the Hungarian majority electoral districts.

Prime minister (second term, 1913–1917)

Tisza became prime minister of Hungary again on 7 June 1913.

Inspired by the Western European model, Tisza's cabinet introduced for the first time in the history of Hungarian journalism the legal category of defamation, libel and "scare-mongering", thus the press became actionable before the courts. Journalists and newspapers had to pay compensations for the victims of defamation and libel. Despite the fact that these institutions and laws worked well in Western Europe and in the United States, the contemporary Hungarian newspapers and journalists considered it as the violation of the Freedom of Speech and the Freedom of Press.

Count István Tisza tried to solve the longstanding Hungarian-Croatian issue, namely to clarify the relationship; for this matter, he met Count Tivadar Pejácsevich, Count of Verovce, Croatian Ban, and a year later, Baron Lomnica, Ivan Skerlecz, the new Croatian Ban.

Tisza maintained his conciliatory position, promising to reestablish the Croatian Constitution, which had been suspended in May 1912. Tisza appointed his old family friend Baron Ivan Skerlecz, of Šokci origin, as the new ban of Croatia. Negotiations between the Croatian representatives and Tisza bore fruit and allowed the restitution of the Croatian constitutional government in November 1913.

A few days before the assassination of Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo, which resulted in World War I, Tisza supported a strong stand against Serbia. However, after the assassination he was against going to war against Serbia, a rare view in Austria-Hungary. He knew the army's strength, and he was afraid that with the increase of more Slavic territories the equilibrium inside the monarchy would be upset. Moreover, he was afraid that Romania would seize Transylvania. However he came to realize that ending the alliance with Germany would have meant the end of Austria-Hungary as a Great Power, so he gave in and supported the war. He then became a relentless supporter of the war until its end.

Tisza believed Romania to be an enemy from the beginning. He was afraid that if Romania attacked Hungary then the Romanians in Transylvania would revolt against Hungary. In the end, 40,000 soldiers were moved to protect Transylvania.

Assassination attempts

For many, he was the representative of the war policy in the Monarchy, so he was an assassination target. The fourth assassination attempt against him was successful.

The first attempt was made in the Hungarian parliament in 1912 by Gyula Kovács, an opposition politician. He shot two bullets, but missed Tisza. Kovács was arrested by the police, but he was acquitted by the court, the justification was "temporary insanity".

The second was made by a soldier when Tisza was returning from the front line during the war. The bullet missed him.

The third attempt came on 16 October 1918 when János Lékai, a member of the society Galilei-circle and an anti-military group led by Ottó Korvin, tried to kill Tisza while he was leaving the Hungarian Parliament, but the revolver malfunctioned and Tisza managed to flee. The assassin was sent to prison but was released after 15 days during the Chrysanthemum Revolution.

Death

The fourth and successful assassination attempt came on 31 October 1918, when soldiers broke into his home, the Róheim Villa in Budapest, Hermina út 35., (today the Villa is at nr. 45.) in front of his wife and his grandniece. Some sources suggest these were disgruntled deserters who blamed Tisza for having started the war.

“Count István Tisza, a victim of bloody freedom”.

“On the morning of the murder, a military officer and a man in civilian clothes appeared at the villa at 35 Hermina Street. They asked to be admitted. Tisza received them in his study. - What do you want? The civilian replied: - Are you hiding that pig Czech prosecutor who is representing the prosecution against me? - I am not hiding anyone. - The strangers soon left… In all likelihood, they were only conducting a preliminary reconnaissance to see if Tisza, who was rumored in the city to be absent from Pest, was at home.”

“During the day, a dense crowd gathered on the outer Hermina Road, near the villa. At about a quarter to six in the evening, eight goats climbed over the high iron-barred fence and crept across the garden lawn to the house. They entered through the back door. The gendarmes assigned to guard István Tisza were peacefully disarmed and forced their way into the villa’s hall. The valet blocked their way. István Tisza, his wife and niece, Countess Denise Almássy, came out at the noise. Tisza had a revolver in her hand. The soldiers reproached her: - We have been at war for five years because of you… You are the reason for the destruction of the country! - You have always been a scoundrel! - Then they shouted at her to put down the revolver. - I will not put it down, you came with weapons too! - Put it down, shouted a lanky blond man who looked to be in his thirties. - I will not! - Stand aside women! - We won't! They replied. Tisza took a few steps back, put down his revolver. - So what do they want? - You're the reason for the war! - I know what happened, that so much blood was shed, but I'm not the reason. - I've been a soldier for four years. So many families have been lost because of your villainy. Live for it! - I'm not the reason[of this war]! - Stand aside women! No answer... - You brought this terrible disaster upon us, now the reckoning is here... Three shots were fired.

Tisza fell forward on the carpet. Two bullets hit him, one penetrating his stomach, the other his shoulder. The third hit Denise Almássy in the face. - I'm finished, - said Tisza, it had to be that way. The soldiers hurried away while their victim was in the throes of death. They don't know what unit they belonged to.

Aftermath

Subsequently, Mihály Károlyi's government initiated an investigation but the identity of the killers was not confirmed at that time, however, family members had identified individuals that they said were the killers.

In the trial that followed the fall of the Communist regime and ended on 6 October 1921, Judge István Gadó established the guilt of Pál Kéri, who was exchanged with the Soviet Union; József Pogány, aka John Pepper, who fled to Vienna, then Moscow and the USA; István Dobó; Tivadar Horváth Sanovics, who also fled; Sándor Hüttner, who died in a prison hospital in 1923; and Tibor Sztanykovszky, who was the only one to serve his 18-year sentence, being released in 1938.

Famous psychoanalyst Sigmund Freud, who knew both politicians personally, wrote about the assassination of István Tisza and the appointment of Mihály Károlyi as new prime minister of Hungary:

Personal life

He married his first degree cousin, Ilona Tisza de Borosjenő. They had two children together.

István (1886–1918)

Juliska (1888-1894)

His son, István died of Spanish flu on 5 November 1918, five days after the death of the father.

Tisza was a "champion duellist" who "had fought more duels than any man in Europe and had never once been seriously wounded". Having been taught by "the best masters in Germany, France and Italy", he was equally adept with sword or pistol, despite (by 1913) having had a cataract operation on one of his eyes and wearing "think horn-rimmed spectacles". In January 1913, he fought Mihály Károlyi in a 34-bout duel with cavalry sabres which lasted an hour until Tisza cut Károlyi's arm and the seconds ended the duel. A week later he fought Aladár Széchenyi, again with sabres - the duel lasted one bout, ending with Tisza wounding Széchenyi with "a long cut across the head". On about 20 August 1913, Tisza fought György Pallavacini (son-in-law and supporter of Opposition leader Gyula Andrássy) at a Budapest fencing school in a duel with "heavy cavalry sabres" and "only slight protection of the body was allowed". After nine bouts, both duellists were bleeding from cuts to their foreheads, and the seconds declared both principals unable to continue - "[t]he two men shook hands, then embraced, kissing each other on both cheeks, and declared themselves reconciled."

Honors

A István Tisza postage stamp was issued by Hungary on 1 July 1932 in the Famous Hungarians series.

Orders and decorations

Sweden: Commander Grand Cross of the Order of Vasa, 1904

Austria-Hungary: Grand Cross of the Order of St. Stephen, 1912; in Diamonds, 1916

Works and Publications

Historical Studies

About Barras' memoirs

From Sadowa to Sedan

Wertheimer's Andrássy

European cruise in the 17th century

A few more words about Benedict's tragedy

Historical materialism in the Balkans

Electoral Studies

Preface to the volume about the political franchise

The Austrian election

The Austrian House of Representatives

The result of the German election

Hieronymi on the political franchise

Electoral Reform and Industrial Workers

On the verge of electoral reform

General suffrage and the dynasty

Economics

Theory of tax evasion (1882)

Hungarian agricultural policy (1883)

The Agricultural Question (1887)

American competition on the European wheat market (1888)

Sorting of our currency (1890)

About the Budget of 1890 (1890)

The Budget of 1891 (1890)

The Budget of 1892 (1892)

Currency Exchange & Gold Pricing (1893)

Gábor Baross and his system (1894)

A few more words about Baross's railway policy (1894)

Our export on the Austrian railways and the customs union

About the inflation

20,000 crowns

Other studies and dissertations

Public status of Rijeka (1883)

Once again on the public law status of Rijeka (1883)

The Fight for Parliamentarism: Speeches by Count István Tisza (1904)

Gyula Andrássy on art

Agnosticism

About Károly Hieronymi

Austrian work on the 67th anniversary of the Compromise

Pietreich on Protective Law

Compulsory insurance and local government

Crisis of the British House of Lords

One word or two about parliamentarianism

Nation and society

Gyula Wlassics in the 1867: XII. t.-c. legal nature

A few words in response to Ödön Polner

A little browsing in the field of English parliamentarism

A little controversy

Notice to the article by Mihály Réz

Approach of Austrian Germans

Nationalization and local government

The impact of war on the nation