South Carolina has a rare opportunity to lead.
For the first time in decades, our state has a real chance to redraw congressional districts in a way that is constitutional, fair and focused on communities instead of racial politics. President Donald Trump correctly recognized this moment for what it is: an opportunity for states to move away from divisive race-based map drawing and return to equal treatment under the law.
Last week, the United States Supreme Court handed down one of the most consequential voting rights decisions in a generation in Louisiana v. Callais. The Court made clear that race-based decision-making in congressional redistricting cannot override the Constitution’s guarantee of equal protection under the law.
I was proud to support that principle through an amicus brief filed alongside other states defending a colorblind application of the Constitution.
Redistricting has always been part of our nation’s political process. After every census, states redraw district lines to account for population changes and ensure equal representation. South Carolina has done this repeatedly throughout its history, just as every other growing state has.
But in recent decades, redistricting across America increasingly became dominated by one dangerous idea: that voters should primarily be sorted by race. (R
That approach fundamentally changed the purpose of districting. Instead of drawing geographically compact districts focused on shared communities and common interests, mapmakers were often encouraged to divide citizens into political categories based on skin color.
The result was predictable. Districts stretched across vast regions to connect distant populations. Communities with little in common beyond race were grouped together, while neighboring towns and counties were split apart. Litigation became endless. Public trust declined. And Americans were told, implicitly and explicitly, that race should be the defining factor in political representation.
The Supreme Court’s decision in Louisiana v. Callais pushes back against that flawed idea.
Critics immediately claimed the ruling would diminish minority political influence. I disagree.
Their assumption is that minority voters only have political power when packed into heavily race-based districts. But American history tells a far more hopeful story.
A competitive district where minority voters help determine the outcome of an election can create broader coalitions, greater accountability, and more responsive representation. Candidates are forced to compete for votes, persuade diverse constituencies, and build consensus across communities.
Justice Brett Kavanaugh raised an important question during oral arguments in the Louisiana case: should there eventually be a time limit on race-conscious districting under the Voting Rights Act?
That question reflects a broader truth many Americans already understand. More than sixty years after the Civil Rights Movement and decades after passage of the Voting Rights Act, we should aspire to a system where race is not presumed to be the primary factor determining how citizens vote.
That does not mean ignoring history. South Carolina knows its history well.
Our state has lived through some of America’s hardest chapters involving race, voting rights, and representation. We should never forget that history, and we should never tolerate discrimination in any form.
But we also should not accept the false premise that the only path forward is permanent racial sorting in our politics.
To those opposed to redrawing the congressional lines, I pose this question: if we have a chance to make things right legally and strengthen the conservative majority in Congress, why would we fail to act? Advancing the America First agenda is critical to the future of our country, and voters are defined by more than just the color of their skin.
Democrats are so obsessed with power and fueled by their hatred of Trump and conservatives that they want to use racially divided lines for their own ends.
I think that’s wrong.
South Carolinians are more than demographic categories. Families in Charleston, Greenville, Columbia, Florence, and the Pee Dee care about safe communities, good schools, affordable living, strong infrastructure, economic opportunity, and honest government. Those concerns unite people across racial and geographic lines.
Congressional districts should reflect those shared interests.
The Supreme Court’s decision gives South Carolina a chance to review our maps through that lens. Our General Assembly has both the legal authority and the constitutional responsibility to ensure our districts comply with federal law while respecting traditional principles like compactness, continuity, and communities of interest.
This process should be handled thoughtfully, transparently, and lawfully. But it should happen.
Fair districts are not districts engineered for one race. Fair districts are those drawn according to constitutional principles that treat every citizen equally under the law.
That is the principle I defended in our amicus brief in Louisiana’s fight. And that is the principle South Carolina now has the opportunity to uphold. I certainly hope we rise to the occasion because the future of our country is at stake.
Republican Alan Wilson is the South Carolina attorney general. A 29-year National Guard combat veteran, he is also a candidate for governor.
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