NATHAN SIMINGTON AND GAVIN WAX: It’s Time For Trump To DOGE The FCC
President Trump’s vision for restoring constitutional government is finally taking shape, and nowhere is that more urgently needed than at the Federal Communications Commission (FCC). With the creation of the Department…
President Trump’s vision for restoring constitutional government is finally taking shape, and nowhere is that more urgently needed than at the Federal Communications Commission (FCC). With the creation of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), the federal bureaucracy has been put on notice: bloat, redundancy, and mission creep are no longer acceptable. Agencies must operate within clear constitutional boundaries and serve the public interest, not their own expansion.
The FCC is a prime candidate for DOGE-style reform. From redundant enforcement structures to legacy programs that drain resources with little oversight, the Commission is entangled by outdated practices that burden consumers, broadcasters, and taxpayers alike. If we are serious about restoring trust in government and making our communications infrastructure more responsive, transparent, and cost-effective, we must start by taking a hard look inward.
Drastically Reduce Media Bureau Overhead
The Media Bureau remains significantly overstaffed relative to its current responsibilities. Much of its work is concentrated on regulating traditional broadcast media—specifically, over-the-air television and radio—a sector that continues to contract in relevance. Meanwhile, the dominant forces in today’s media ecosystem—streaming platforms and digital content providers—operate with minimal oversight from the FCC. This mismatch has fueled both regulatory overreach and unnecessary friction with industry participants.
Rather than confining itself to its core statutory mission of overseeing physical transmission infrastructure, the Bureau has strayed into content regulation and competition policy
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, particularly in areas that arguably fall outside the FCC’s legal mandate. This mission creep has imposed mounting compliance costs on local broadcasters and chilled competition—especially among smaller and politically diverse outlets. Disturbingly, there is credible evidence suggesting that enforcement is not politically neutral: right-leaning broadcasters appear to
disproportionately aggressive scrutiny compared to their left-of-center counterparts.
Our recommendation is simple: reallocate excess Media Bureau personnel to other offices within the FCC—such as the Space Bureau—that are grappling with staffing shortages in high-growth, high-need sectors. This would streamline operations, reduce redundancy, and better align the agency’s workforce with today’s communications landscape.
That said, we recognize that this proposal arrives shortly after a call for the FCC to investigate reverse retransmission agreements and potentially expand its regulatory scope to cover carriage negotiations with virtual multichannel video programming distributors (vMVPDs)—a domain the agency has historically left untouched. At first glance, these two proposals might appear in tension: one reducing the Bureau’s footprint, the other expanding it. We believe the apparent disconnect underscores the need for coherence in FCC policymaking. Any investigation into reverse retransmission fees should be carefully scoped, statutory in basis, and clearly distinguished from broader efforts to refocus the Media Bureau’s staffing and mission. A well-calibrated realignment can accommodate both goals—holding bad actors accountable while resisting bureaucratic sprawl.
Slash the Universal Service Fund and Related Mandates
Few Americans realize that federally mandated fees, which are set at the sole discretion of the FCC, not Congress, to raise the cost of monthly phone bills for voice service by over 36 percent. These fees fund a patchwork of programs under the Universal Service Fund (USF), including the Internet Protocol Captioned Telephone Service (IP CTS) and other telecommunications relay services. While originally well-intentioned, many of these programs have become outdated, inefficient, and ripe for reform.
Take IP CTS, which was designed to help individuals with hearing impairments communicate via telephone. It currently uses both automatic speech recognition (ASR) and Communications Assistants (CAs) for transcription. ASR has become highly accurate and cost-effective, while CA services remain slow, error-prone, and expensive, costing up to $1.77 per minute. Yet the FCC continues to subsidize the latter (and inferior) service at a higher rate. This is not just a poor use of public funds; it’s a case study in regulatory inertia.
By reducing reliance on outdated CA services and transitioning more users to ASR, the FCC could save American consumers hundreds of millions of dollars per year. Furthermore, the Commission should actively work with Congress to eliminate unnecessary subsidies and lower the mandatory fees tacked onto every phone bill. That’s money back in the pockets of working families.
Modernize the Universal Service Fund Model
The broader USF is an amalgam of obsolete and overlapping initiatives. Programs like E-rate and Lifeline, while once valuable, have lost relevance in the age of widespread mobile internet and emerging satellite services. Wired internet subsidies are increasingly unnecessary and cost-inefficient.
The rise of satellite broadband, such as Starlink, and fixed wireless alternatives offer a more scalable, less expensive solution. Rather than spending billions to trench fiber cable to remote areas, the FCC should adopt a technology-neutral approach that lets innovation drive infrastructure deployment. Reforming USF to reflect these realities is long overdue and would align with DOGE’s mission of smarter, leaner government.
Streamline FCC Licensing
Another area ripe for reform is the Commission’s antiquated licensing process. Currently, every license application—no matter how routine—is manually processed. This consumes vast staff hours and introduces unnecessary delay into markets that thrive on speed and innovation.
For non-contentious licenses, automated workflows should be the default. By implementing intelligent review systems and processing software, the FCC could drastically reduce the time and labor involved in issuing standard licenses. This isn’t just a cost-saving measure; it’s a way to foster growth in sectors like spectrum, satellite, and wireless communications without compromising regulatory integrity.
DOGE Isn’t a Slogan. It’s a Strategy.
What unites all these proposals is a commitment to the principles DOGE represents: transparency, efficiency, and constitutional accountability. These are not partisan ideas. Americans of all backgrounds are tired of bloated agencies that act without oversight, charge without explanation, and enforce without due process.
President Trump has made clear that federal agencies must return to their constitutional lanes. That means cutting the fat, shedding unnecessary programs, and prioritizing service to the people—not to entrenched bureaucracies. The FCC, like every other agency, must meet the moment.
We’re ready to lead the charge.
Nathan A. Simington is a Commissioner of the Federal Communications Commission.
Gavin M. Wax is Chief of Staff and Senior Advisor to Commissioner Simington and the co-author of ‘The Emerging Populist Majority’.
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NATHAN SIMINGTON AND GAVIN WAX: It’s Time For Trump To DOGE The FCC - IJR
